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In the first place, Henryson has the poet's 'sympathy,' if we take the term in its broadest sense, as we apply it to Chaucer, and find in no English poet before the early Elizabethans: that 'sympathy' which is something more than intelligence or keenness of eye and ear in dealing with Nature.

XV use of his facts in the making of a picture there can never be any doubt, even in those passages where he is com- pelled to make free use of traditional artifice. There is no mistaking his frogs and mice; his May morning is by no means a bookish convention ; his description, among other things, of the spinner's craft is as 'scientific' as the programme of a Technical Institute.

But in his treat- ment of character and episode he discloses an intimacy of a deeper sort. He understands as well as knows, and expresses, with the power of the dramatist, the personality of his men and beast-folk and the 'soul' of a situation. No author of his age, and few since, have so submerged the teller's egoism in the tale and given the reader such a perfect sense of acquaintanceship with the creatures of his art.

He is helped to this by an unfailing humour, of the kind Chaucer had, and had not more amply ; and nothing helps a poet or plain man more in coming to terms with fact. If it be surprising- to find this quality in a period so crusted by tradition, and, with humour added, in a writer confessedly fond of seeking a moral lesson, there is perhaps more excuse to record it in the forefront of any appreciation of Henryson's work. In the second place, the poet possesses in a remarkable degree the sense of movement, both in his management of narrative and in his metrical method.

In the former, whether within the range of a long fable or in an episode, he sustains the interest to the last. Though he shows the contemporary liking for encyclopaedic digression, he never allows it to ravel or break the thread of anec- dote. This liveliness is also reflected in his metrical art. No ' Chaucerian ' has caught more happily the manner of the Master. If, like Dunbar, he has few lines which, with due allowance for textual corruption, are not ' good,' most are ' good ' because they move with an easy natural gait, less often, as with his successor and rival in fame, because they are clever or pleasing as literary craftsmanship.

XVII It would be hard to better this picture of the simple man's delight, the merry footing, the extended arms and swaying hands of the village dance. Sometimes, indeed, he achieves a more verbal triumph, as in that burden in Orpheus's lament, " Quhar art how sane, my luf Erudices? But such happy recognition of word -values is rare, and is indeed hardly to be expected in the fifteenth century, outside the wonderful prose of Malory. There is, thirdly, his literary taste. In this he is of course helped by the sympathy of which we have spoken ; but he gives many proofs of a critical faculty deliberately applied to the purposes of technique.

This is perhaps just another way of saying that that quality which served him so well in matters of human life and Nature was extended to matters of art ; that while he knew his mice and men so thoroughly, he understood Chaucer not less. The 'good sense' which appears at every turn in the general treatment of his subjects was not likely to fail him in the nicer moments of literary judgement.

There are many examples of his happy adoption of phrase 1 III. Ixxxviii and jj , and others of the same kind belong to a lower category. In the manipulation of earlier material for his Fables, in the piecing together from different sources, in the taking of an episode from one tale because it suited another better, in the originality of his Scots resetting of worn-out themes, he declares a taste which goes far beyond mere editorial ingenuity. Bannatyne's well-intentioned meddlings with the text seem poor indeed when they are compared with our poet's exercises in rifacimento.

Henryson, too, indulges more rarely than Lydgate or any of his Makar brethren in the rhyme-tags and line- fillings — the ' belyves,' ' perde's,' and the like, which clog our early vernacular poetry and go current among the verse-mongers past Gascoigne's day. Even in his role as moralist he has, as we have already hinted, a sense of decorum, rarely permitting himself to mix if we may adapt the historic figure his cadger's ' hornpipes ' with the ' funerals ' of homily.

It is indeed something to find in a secluded Northern poet of that age of poor copyists these qualities of sym- pathy, vivacity, and taste, singly and united so suggestive of Chaucer himself, and to be able to say that, notwith- standing all Henryson's indebtedness to that master and to others, he holds, by virtue of these qualities, high place as an original poet. The reader must test this opinion for himself. XIX an editor, who must give the whole — with the dull and doubtful poems included — has no fears that the first impression will be blurred.

We know so little about Henryson's life that the task of an editor who is expected to offer the customary ' Memoir' resolves itself in the main into warning the reader against the surmises and fictions of his prede- cessors. David Irving, the first to make serious attempt at a biography, was fully conscious of his ignorance, and, while regretting that he could not add to the scraps recovered by Hailes and Sibbald, registered the opinion, in his sententious manner, that though " the grateful curiosity of posterity may induce them to explore every avenue,.

It is liter- ally true that David Laing's ' Memoir,' the longest of all efforts in Henrysonian biography, and the quarry for all later accounts, disclosed nothing new of the man or of his literary work. Laing followed up every clue, only with the result that we have but a halfpenny-worth of evidence to an intolerable deal of free conjecture. Yet he rarely fell, with antiquaries of the class of George Mackenzie, into the vices of false identification and learned irrelevance, and he served a good purpose in showing not so much how little we know, as how little we can expect to know.

So the lesson of this 1 Lives of the Scotish Poets. We can all be agreed on Henryson's floruit, though we cannot fix the years of his birth or death, or, indeed, a single date in his life. It is clear therefore that Henry- son did not survive the first decade of the sixteenth century. Lyndsay in his Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo? The latter in a holo- graph note on the Cambridge MS.

Sir Francis Kinaston, in a gossipy note written c. Laing, I. Thinne, which was neere the end of his raigne. We can see how Kinaston jumbled the facts supplied by the " aged schollers. If we assume, therefore, that Henryson died about the beginning of the sixteenth century, we cannot fix the date 1 Kinaston 's association with Arthur Johnston in the Musae Aulicae may supply a clue to the 'Schollers of the Scottish nation,' who were probably among the Northerners at James's Court or at that of his son.

Or Kinaston may have had some gossip of the poet from his friend Patrick Young , to whom he dedicated the first book of his Latin version of Troilus. See infra, p. Kinaston may have known his friend's father, who was an 'aged scholar' when he died in Sir Peter was born in This would give him over threescore years and ten, and amply satisfy the tradition of his having lived to a good age. There is not much risk in committing ourselves to c. The historical allusions throughout the poems are too uncertain to help us in defining his period more nicely.

The prayer 2 that the King be given power " All sic Uolfis to banis out of the land " may refer, as Lyndsay's in his Papyngo, to the troubles of the reign of James III. Club, , p. XXlir of the fifteenth century, and must have died not later than Henryson has by persistent tradition been associated with Dunfermline. Though no direct local evidence has been found, there is good reason to believe that he was a native of the royal burgh and a resident there during all, or the greater part, of his life. Here again Dunbar's lines, quoted above, are our first authority for the con- nection.

The greater part of Laing's 'Memoir' is a record of search among burghal, ecclesi- astical, and national documents for particulars of every Henderson or Henryson of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries who was in any way associated with Dunferm- line. In certain circumstances we may be less likely to find two of the same name in a small community than in a University drawing its membership from a wide area, but we must not forget that in Dunfermline and its neighbour- hood, the homeland of the Hendersons, there might well be more than one Robert Henryson, and more than one of these who could claim to be notary.

The poems yield nothing that can be construed as direct evidence of Henryson's personal knowledge of Dunfermline. Laing suggested that when the poet makes Cresseid appeal to be allowed to go to "3one Hospitall at the tounis end," he may have been thinking of the Spital at the east end of the burgh. There is perhaps more to be said for the clue supplied in the title of a lost poem described in the Contents of the Asloan MS.

There is perhaps another hint in the absurd Practysis of Medecynef where the poet claims for his leechcraft that there is nothing to equal it " fra lawdian to lundin. This appears in the list of 'good tales ' or ' fables ' in the Complaynt of Scotlande, ed. XXV This phrase, translated in general terms ' from South to North,' 1 would come naturally to one who lived so near the royal ferry connecting the capital with ' Fife and the North.

Though none of these points have, individually, the value of evidence confirming the tradition of the poet's association with Dunfermline, they in no way contradict it. Taken together, they have some interest as circumstantial corroboration. Henryson's life at Dunfermline appears to have been spent as a schoolmaster. The designation is found in the earliest texts of the Fables, on the title-page of Charteris's edition of , and on that of the Harleian MS. There is reason to think that the poet was associated with the Benedictines of Dunfermline, as teacher, and later head-teacher in the Grammar and Song School of the royal burgh then under the control of the Abbey.

A side-light is thrown on this aspect of his career — not on his family history, as some have assumed — in a complaint to the Privy Council on 14th October , by a John Henrysoun, master of the Grammar School within the Abbey of Dunfermline. The 1 Lii. The petitioner nowhere suggests that his predecessors bore his surname or had any blood-relationship to him or to each other. The words ' past memor of man,' which Laing prints in italics, smacks of the style-book, and may be only a touch of plaintiff- hyperbole, like the familiar 'bauch, bla, and bludie strykis ' in paltry cases of assault.

It means, at most, that John's office was of old standing, and it explains what Robert's was. Nowhere in the poet's writings do we find any allusion to his office,, though, to some, he may appear to make confession of the schoolmaster's cast of mind in the choice and treat- ment of his subjects. His Fables — Moral Fables he prefers to call them — may well have found their origin in a set of school exercises on Aesop.

These then are the only facts of Henryson's personal history : first, that he flourished in the latter half of the fifteenth century ; secondly, that he was a resident, and probably a native, of Dunfermline ; and, thirdly, that he was a master of the Grammar School controlled by the Benedictine Abbey of that royal burgh. XXVII bibliographical or 'internal. Not a few of the Middle Scots poets, with Dunbar in their company, have thwarted the best efforts to discover the dates or sequence of their writings, and Henryson has held, and is likely to hold, his secret as long as any of his fellows.

All the poems in this edition have hitherto been accepted as Henryson's, and all, with a single exception, 2 have been ascribed to him by one or other of the earlier authorities. We proceed in this section to discuss each poem, to apply the tests of authorship that are at command, and to suggest some clues to the literary relationships. There are difficulties in the solution of each of these problems which only the investigator of widest experience in this period can measure ; and in the 1 A. Diebler, Henrisone 's Fabeldichtungen Diss. Leipzig , Halle, , pp. The division of Henryson's work into this, and a second c.

But see inf? This caveat is important in the case of Henryson, who remains, in spite of the fact that the greater part of his verse is, in its subject and manner — as translation, adaptation, or sequel — necessarily con- nected with earlier work, one of the most individual and original of the Makars. Intelligent reading of his poems will make it clear how to take but one example , notwithstanding what indebtedness may be proved to Romulus, or English Walter, or Lydgate, or Caxton, his Fables possess that transmuted quality by which genius confounds the mere genealogists of letters.

One confesses to some diffidence in tracking the poet in the Aesopic snow. He owed so much to himself that it is superero- gation to trouble about his little debts to predecessors. He picks his material so freely, readjusts an episode or saying in one fable to the telling of another, and creates a fresh mosaic out of the old tesserae with a cunning which disconcerts the antiquary in origins.

XXIX perform the task without prejudice to the healthy opinion that these antiquarian niceties have little or no critical bearing on the ultimate interest of Henryson's work. The Moral Fables. The bibliography of the Fables, in manuscript and print, is given in the Prefatory Note in the Second Volume. The date of composition cannot be determined, and there are no clues whether the writing was done at different times or at long or short intervals. The later history of the Aesopic Fable is so complicated by cross-borrowings that it is difficult to determine the genealogy of a given text.

Our task here, in the light of what has been already said, is simply to collect the evidence of Henryson's knowledge of certain authorities. In some cases that evidence is textually precise, but the general impression left by his mixing up and adjustment of phrases and figures from different sources is one of memory guided by good literary taste. Though he speaks of his work as "ane mater of Translatioun," it only rarely suggests the open book at elbow ; and if he borrowed more deliberately from any single text than we have been able to discover, he will never lose the right of defence which 1 Pages vii-xviii.

Guallerus Anglicus. We have Henryson's statements that he based his Fables upon a Latin text, and that he undertook the task for an unnamed patron. This was one of the most popular versions of Aesop in the later Middle Ages, and was well known as a school-book. The ' Lord ' who encouraged him may have been the Benedictine Abbot, or a nobleman of the district ; but the reference is as likely, as such references often are, a mere literary convention, perhaps used in the hope that someone would accept the post of patron thus vaguely offered.

That Henryson's book, taken as a whole, is not a translation, in even the loosest sense, is clear. These in the Scottish version become sixty-three, ninety-eight, and one hundred and sixty-one. The poet follows little more than the outline ; he ' writes round ' to his heart's content, and in each ' Moralitas ' wanders freely beyond the two-line limit of his model — as might be expected of a fifteenth-century poet and a schoolmaster.

His work is to use his own word 'superfluous,' rarely 'deminute,' 2 but his abundance does not show the vice of garrulity. The evidence of association with Walter's text may be briefly set out thus : — a The series begins with the ' General Prologue,' and the fable of ' The Cock and the Jewel. He draws attention to the circumstance that his Aesop begins in this order.

So, too, Lydgate says — "And as myn auctour at the Cok begynne" 1. This line is printed on the title-page of Charteris's edition, In Phaedrus the word is margarita 'Pullus ad margaritam ' ; so, too, in the early Romulus. Walter's title is De Gallo ei Iaspide, 1 See infra, p.

XXX and iaspis is used in his text. In this place it is in all probability a direct formation from the Latin word, in the manner so familiar in Middle Scots literature. The most important is in See note, p. There can be no suggestion of borrowing from Yx. Diebler, Henr. This, as found in the later Phaedrus not in the early 1 runs : " Leo cogitabat, si occideret, crimen esset, et non gloria.

Igno- vit, et dimisit. Si vincat summus minimum, sic vincere vinci est. Vincere posse decet, vincere crimen habet. Si tamen hoc decus est, si laus sic vincere, laus haec Et decus hoc minimo fiet ab hoste minus. De pretio victi pendet victoria : victor Tantus erit, victi gloria quanta fuit.

Mus abit, et gratus reddit ; si reddere possit Spondet opem. Though Henryson elaborates the details, he retains the main order of the Latin text. Some passages reflect the earlier text clearly : notably from 1. Ecce natant ; trahitur ille, sed ilia trahit. Mergitur, ut secum Murem demergat ; amico Naufragium faciens, naufragat ipsa fides. Rana studet mergi ; sed Mus emergit, et obstat Naufragio : vires suggerit ipse timor. Milvus adest, miserumque truci rapit ungue duellum : Hie jacet, ambo jacent, viscera rupta fluunt.

Each touch, down to the final disembowelling, is remin- iscent. The whole passage is indeed a remarkable trans- lation. To these hints of Henryson's indebtedness to Walter we may add that of the fourteen sections of the Fables 1 eight are found in the Latin text. The familiar ' salmon ' epi- sode in No. John Lydgate. Though Henryson's statement that he ' translated ' the Fables from a Latin work is thus corroborated and ex- plained, it is at the same time clear that he drew from other sources, Latin and vernacular.

Among the latter we find Lydgate's version of the Prologue and seven fables of the Romulus group, in the category of the Fabulae extravagantes, derived immediately from Marie de France, — the Isopos Fabules of Harl. Sauerstein in Anglia, IX.


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I- 24 ; the Ashmolean by J. Five of the Fables chosen by Henryson appear in Lyd- gate, and in two others there is partial overlapping. Both texts having a common Romulean origin preserve much the same order in the narrative. I had no licence There to gadre floures of eloquence. Than I can forth I wil procede In this labour I wil my foile dresse, To do plesaunce to theym, that shal I rede Requyreing hem of verray gentillesse, Of theyr grace to pardon my rudenesse, This compilacioun for to take at gre, Whiche, theym to please, translated was by me.

And as myn auctour at the Cok begynne r '. Zupitza, in the first section of his paper, compares Sauerstein's text with the Harleian original, and, in the second, prints the fables of the Cock and the Precious Stone, the Wolf and the Lamb, and the Frog and the Mouse from the Cambridge MS.

XXXV11 The plea for 'correction' is, of course, familiar, 1 but the general likeness, especially in the italicized lines, and in the sequence, points to some knowledge of Lydgate. It is clear that the prologues cannot have a common source, either in Latin for they are concerned with trans- lation from Latin or in English unless some earlier verse translation of Romulus or Walter be found.

The ' burden ' throughout the ' Moralitas ' recalls the last line of Lydgate's tenth stanza : — " Nor more asswerd, to myn oppynioun, Than glad pouert with smal possessioun," 4 1 Cf. Chaucer, The Parson 's Prologue, Lydgate's next stanza runs : — " Salamon writeth, how it is better behalf A smal morsel of brede with joy and rejoysyng, Than at festis to have a rosted calf With hevy chiere and froward grucchyng. Nature is content with ful litel thyng, As men sayne, and report at the beste, Nat many deyntes, but goode chiere makith a feste. Lydgate, like Marie de France, prefaces his story of the Paddock and the Mouse with a long narrative which is in substance the story of the Two Mice.

The mouse is sitting by the mill, " ferre from al daungeire," when the frog passes. The latter is invited to take his ease on a corn-sack, and is, in due course, served with dinner. I prais no feste, where goode drynk doth faile," i and proceeds to draw the mouse's attention to the abund- ance of fresh water in the river running by. They walk to the brink, but the mouse is " wery with the frossh to abide. XXXIX house on the other side. At this point the familiar fable of the Paddock and the Mouse in the Romulus and Walter form begins.

We have here a good example — and others are not wanting — of Henryson's literary taste and editorial in- genuity. He declines to accept the enlarged form or to confuse the two Walter fables, and is quick to see that some of Lydgate's 'padding' may be used to good pur- pose elsewhere. Diebler u. Not one of his citations proves direkte a? Lydgate's lines 'The Frog and Mouse,' "There is no vice so parilous of reasoun, As is the vice of ingratitude, For it is worse than pestilence or poysoun," may have been lingering in memory when Henryson wrote II.

William C ax ton. Henryson includes in his collection several Fables which are not Aesopic. The material of these is drawn from the popular Reynardian cycle, but it is freely treated and pieced together in his own way. There is some show of evidence that he was familiar with the English render- ing of the Fox stories printed by Caxton.

textura german edition Ebook

These are of general currency in the beast-epic, in different languages, and supply no clue to Caxton's version to the exclusion of others. The presence of such a name as Sprutok, which, if not Henryson's own Northern form, 5 is reminiscent of the cock Sprotinus of the Latin Reinardus, 6 would show that the Scots poet had ranged beyond Caxton's pages. It was reprinted by W.

Thorns for the Percy Society in , and by E. Arber, in 'The English Scholar's Library,' in Reinardus Vulpes ed. Mone, , pp. It has not been found elsewhere in English before this date, and Henryson cannot be credited with a knowledge of Willem or Leeu. In Caxton the mocking fox says to the wounded wolf, ' I heelde you for one of the wysest clerkes that now lyue. Now I here wel it is true that I long syth haue redde and herde that the beste clerkes ben not the wysest men. Muller en H. Zwolle, , p. Nor is this assumption open to the criticism urged against Henry- son's use of another popular saw in another place.

The term is generally ' Court ' or ' Council,' as in the heading of the first and thirteenth chapters of Caxton ; but in the fourteenth chapter we have the calling of a ' parlament ' for the trial of Reynard. There is no conclusive evidence to show that Henryson was indebted to Caxton's translation of Aesop from the French. There is no similarity between the Prologues, and no textual correspondence throughout the Fables of a kind to suggest Henryson's indebtedness. The main argument for such indebtedness cannot be stated more specifically than that the matter supplementary to what is found in Walter — the mare's hoof episode, 4 the fable from the Fab- 1 See p.

History of the Aesopic Fable : II. Text and Glossary. These facts, however, though deserving of record, do not guide us so definitely as the evidence in the case of Walter or even Lydgate, and do not exclude the possibility of Henryson's having been acquainted with Steinhowel or another text. On the more general argument of Henryson's use of Caxton, in either of his books or both, it must not be forgotten that we assume that copies of these had reached the Fife schoolmaster almost immediately after publica- tion, 3 and that his series of Fables was not written, or com- pleted, till the later years of his life.

If the Caxton or Steinhowel provenance could be proved, we should have an important clue to at least one date in Henryson's literary career. But that proof is not forthcoming. Petrus Alfonsus. The question of Henryson's immediate knowledge, in No. XL, of the Latin text of Petrus Alfonsus 4 cannot be determined, for though the Disciplina was well known in 1 Fabtdae exiravagantes, the fifth book of Steinhowel, and so entitled by him. Steinhowel's Aesop, in Latin and German, c.

Both texts are printed in Migne, Pair. See the prefatory note there by J. Labouderie, coll. The general conclusion, in this search for Henryson's borrowings, must be that his book is in no real sense a ' translation,' and that in the cases where connection is clearly proved, as in that of Walter and Lydgate, we can say no more than that he knew these authors and used them in a free manner. He may have taken over some of their material in a mere act of memory. A schoolmaster could hardly escape from this, after many years' routine in Aesop. Even the Latin quotation in the Prologue, which supplies such an important clue, may have found its place there, as tags from Chaucer and other poets have found theirs, and may mean no more than that he knew Walter, as he knew Chaucer.

There is certainly no evidence, at any part of the work, of a plodding recovery of other men's words and phrases, or indeed of the traditional details of these world - wide stories. He defies all 'scientific' tables and theories of 'sources' by the originality of his treatment at every turn.

In this respect he follows the example of the greater masters in the long history of the beast-fable, and helps with each 1 In the ninth section of Steinhowel's Fabule collecte, the concluding portion of the book following the Fabule extravagantes see note, sziflra, p. The Testament of Cresseid. The text of the Testament of Cresseid is printed from the unique copy in the British Museum of the edition of Henry Charteris , the first extant separate issue of the poem, and the first known Scottish impression.

No manuscript that can be dated before this has been preserved. We need not assume that he believed, or in- tended others to believe, that the poem was Chaucer's ; 1 See Laing, u. Yet its reappearance in later editions of Chaucer 2 down to Urry's in , in which Henryson is named as the writer, associated it in the general mind with Chaucer, and misled such eminent persons as Leland, 3 Bale, 4 and Tanner, 5 or encouraged antholo- gists like Alexander Chalmers 6 to shirk the question of authorship.

Eighteenth century scholarship was better informed in this matter, as in so many others hitherto unsuspected, 7 and had not overlooked Urry's ascription. There is, however, some significance in the vigour of Godwin's following of Urry in establishing Henryson's claims in his Life of Chaucer? Francis Thynne's Anitnadversions on Speght's Chaucer, printed in Kingsley, , p. Poole, , pp. Nichol Smith, , note, p. For about the scholar-courtier, Sir Francis Kinaston 1 , wrote a Latin translation, and, in a manu- script published in part by Francis Waldron in and now recovered, annotated the text and added some 1 An Edinburgh bookseller, Robert Gourlaw or Gourlay, had, in , three copies of the Testament, valued at 4d.

It is the text reprinted by Chalmers in his Bannatyne Club edition. See Skeat's Chaucer, II. James's Catalogue, , p. A copy is preserved in Trin. There he corroborates the testi- mony to his authorship. It is not till Waldron's time that any scholarly interest in the text of the Testament begins to be shown, and the credit for the first, but rather ineffectual, attempt may be given to Sibbald, whose Chronicle of Scottish Poetry appeared in Chaucer having confined himself to the tragedy of Troilus, Henryson sets himself to expound the " fatall destenie" of Cressida, his undoer.

Not only does the narrative connect itself, of necessity, to the older poem, but in its general style and in its echoes of phrase it is strikingly ' Chaucer- ian. Hyt semyt by his chere as he wold make a fray. A bawdryk of isykles about hys nek gay He had, and aboue on hygh on his hede, Cowchyd wz'tk hayle stonys, he weryd a crovvne of leede. Triggs, E. None of the more striking decorations common to both pictures — the weapon, the icicles, the hailstones — are used in the same way. Henryson may, after all, have gone to his own storehouse, to some book De Deorum Imaginibus, like Alfred the Englishman's, for the traditional dressing of ' olde colde Saturnus.

Printed at Edinburgh by W. Chepman and A. Myllar in the Year M. Reprinted M. This text is, unfortunately, now inaccessible, 6 but a transcript 1 Chaucer, Boethius IV. Tales, The Chepman print lines lacks a portion corresponding to Gale In one its appeal was as a classical story of old-world adventure and tragedy, and its telling followed, with due allowance for mediaeval idiosyncrasy, the traditional lines. In another it was the mere setting or excuse for elaborate reflections on the philosophy of life, on human purpose, destiny, and, gener- 1 See Prefatory Note to Vol.

The reader may be reminded that all the texts found in the Bannatyne MS. Some errors in the text and in the glossary in Vol. This attitude is by no means rare before and after Henryson's time, in the commentators on classical mythology, 1 but it is shown perhaps most succinctly by Bacon in his well-known chapter on ' Orpheus, sive PhilosophiaJ 2 The story of Orpheus, says Bacon, following older writers, " is intended for representation of universal Philosophy " ; and, again, " Orpheus himself.

Trivet, infra, p. Persona enim Orphei Ballads, , I. See also the Com- playnt of Scotlande, ed. Laing edit. Henryson's Orpheus, as might be expected from the poet's general cast of mind, has nothing in common with the romantic type. But, while it reproduces the classical story with reasonable accuracy, it superimposes on the plain narrative a philosophical purpose. The Henryson of the Fables and Minor Poems could hardly resist this, and the extravagant length of the ' Moralitas ' shows how readily he seized the opportunity of indulging in an exercise to which the story had attracted many others.

This strong interest in the ' interpretation ' of the tale might have helped us to track the sources, had he not made confession or what proves to be a confession in his tedious exposition. He opens his ' Moralitas ' with the lines : — " Lo, worthy folk, Boece, that senature, To wryte this feynit fable tuke in cure, In his gay buke of consolacion, For oure doctryne, and gude instruction ; ; ' 4 and in the tale, in the ordering and treatment of the episodes, he follows Boece's chapter in the third book 1 There is if it be not an accident of the printing-house some propriety in the conjunction, in Chepman's print, of the ' ballad ' of The Want of JTyse Men with this piece.

Cuius uxor est eur[i]dice scilicet pars uominis affeiua quam sifr'i copulare cupit. Deinde cum dicit. See p. Secundum ysidorum libro xj. Tertium monstrum quod describit est pena yrionis [yxionis] de quo fingit? C Deindfe cum elicit, vos nee fabula. Nam qui uictus. For the text of this poem, perhaps the best known of the poet's works, we are indebted to Bannatyne. Ban- 1 Bann. Printed in Vol. If the lost word after 'of were found to be ' Henderson ' or 'Henrysoun,' a case would be made out for ' Making' as a name ; though in another place in the ' Table ' Asloan writes ' Maister Robert Hendersonis dreme, On fut by forth,' putting the author first.

In references of this kind it is more usual to give the first words, and here there is no reason why Asloan should not have called it 'the ballat of Robene ' rather than 'of Making. The poem is a disputoison of the pastoral type, and shows points of likeness to The Murning Maiden 2 and the better known Nut Brown Maid. The motif, as expressed in Makyne's words — "The man ]? But there is no direct clue to Henryson's indebtedness, and it may well be doubted whether he has availed himself of more than a poet's right to work on a familiar theme.

The 'abc'of Love given in Printed in Specimens of Middle Scots, u. Paris, , pp. They were made accessible by Allan Ramsay in the Ever Green 1 2 with, more suo, no attempt at textual accuracy. This version reappeared in in a volume of Poems in the Scottish Dialect. In Langhorne could say — "In gentle Henryson's unlabour'd strains Sweet Arethusa's shepherd breath'd again. On the ' Statutes of Love' see Prof. Neilson's Origins and Sources of the Court of Love, , pp. Parallel treatment in contemporary or almost contemporary Scots will be found in " Gif 3e wald lufe and luvit be," ascribed to Dunbar ed.

George Chalmers, 1 and Laing. The Bannatyne MS. At the end it is ascribed to Henryson. Ten years later Sibbald thought it " worthy of notice, from its being one of our earliest specimens of the Ballad Stanza," a reason as erroneous as some of his commentary on the poem. The notes on Chalmers's MS. See the reference to his note on 1. It is also included, in a modernized form, in Arber's Dunbar Anthology. The volume of the Gesta — a selection of one hundred and fifty tales — printed by N.

Ketelaer and G. De Leempt at Utrecht? A reissue came from the press of Arnold Ther Hoernen of Cologne, probably within a year or two ; and a third text, containing one hundred and eighty-one sec- tions, appeared about the same time, with the imprint of Ulrich Zell, also of Cologne. It is No. Warton printed a summary of the story in his Dissertation on the Gesta, in the Hist, of Eng. Poetry, I. In the Latin text the gest is entitled ' De Constantia. There is a copy of each of these incunabula in the British Museum.

The dates suggested in the catalogue are, in order,? J " I have one [a copy of Ketelaer] in its original binding. I mention this as an instance of such works speedily finding their way into this country. On the other hand it must not be forgotten 1 that the Gesta is an English product, of the close of the thirteenth century, that it was well known in England in its ver- nacular guise before the appearance of the Latin printed texts, and that these Latin texts which undoubtedly gave the tales their wide European vogue were compiled and translated from sources originally English.

Three of these English MSS. Further, it may be pointed out that if there be any proof of textual indebtedness by Henryson, we find it in the English version of the Harleian MS. It is quoted here to show the story in its original form, and the differences in Henryson's treatment as well as the likeness. So what tyme J? Cambridge, Kk.

It has been dated c. So whanne J? Thanne saide she, " My worshipful! Thenne whan she hurde of his deth, She made grete lamentacion many days; But whenne she sawe his blody serke, aH her bowelis weere troubelyd more than tunge may telle; And hongyd it vp on a perche in hire chambir, And at euery tyme ]? The lordis of J? Deere frendis, ]? Pe only doubter, that is so faire and so fresh, is J?

But ]? But Ipenne comith a wele faire kny3te and a strong, scil. And Jwfore, sms, late vs do as dude ]? Nor can we prove that he knew the tale in its English guise, though the assumption is reasonable. He has modified the story in man - ways in a manner analagous to what we find in all his adaptations. Herrtage, ti. See Herrtage, u. Thomson, of New College, Oxford, suggests, in a communica- tion to the Editor, that Henryson may have found an incentive in the circum- stance that in the Aberdeenshire insurrection in , headed by Lord Forbes, the rebels took for their standard the "bloody shirt" of James III.

The suggestion is recorded here, but it is not offered as an argument for the dating of the poem. The Gar mo nt of Gud Ladeis. This poem is found only in the Bannatyne MS. Hailes gave it a place in his Ancient Scottish Poems , and added two notes, 3 and Ellis, in , in his Specimens S Since its appearance in Laing's collected edition of it has been reprinted in one or two popular anthologies.

It supplies many curious anti- quarian details about women's dress of the period, and is more deliberate in its description than the familiar passages in the Flower and the Leaf and The Assembly of Ladies? This poem of lines, with several prose sections, works out the allegory in great detail, beginning with the shoes, and then passing to the garters and every item in the feminine wardrobe, and adding 1 See III.

Ellis expands his remarks in the edition of 1S11 pp. Skeat, , pp. If Henryson got his 'idea' from this poem and the suggestion is open to doubt , he got no more. An anonymous piece in the Bannatyne MS. The allegory of feminine attire in poems of this type probably arose in simple analogy to the old chivalric ' significations,' such as we find in the contemporary Scots MS. The Prais of Aige. Texts of this piece are given in the Makculloch MS. It is ascribed to Henryson in each of Bannatyne's texts. Club edit. It is much longer than Henryson's poem. Club edition of the Bannatyne MS. The poem, like those following immediately, is of a common type, in choice of subject and prosodically.

There is no obvious argument from style against Banna- tyne's ascription, but there are none to prove that Bannatyne had any more authority for his ' quod mr. The likeness of the opening lines to those of one of Dunbar's poems has been referred to in the Notes. There are four MS. The earliest printed texts are in Hailes, 6 and Sibbald. Small, IV. Bannatyne preserves this poem in the Draft of his MS.

In the completed MS. Maitland, who gives it in his Folio MS. John Forbes, of Aberdeen, issued it in , in a modernized form, with other 'popular verses,' under the title, "An ancient Dittie, entituled, Obey and thank thy GOD of all! Club, II. This MS. Ellis included six of the seven stanzas in a modernized form in his Specimens , 1 and Sibbald printed it in his Chronicle The cheapel valk mentioned there is unknown, and it is useless to suggest that it may be Henryson's poem.

This piece, like its neighbours, conforms to a common type, but some interesting evidence can be produced to show that Henryson was recasting or adapting earlier material. In the Vernon MS. The text, which is not complete, is quoted because of the assumed local interest of the second line. In the latter respect he contrasts favourably with his rival of the Caligula text. The follow- ing statement of the main parallelisms may suffice for evidence. The first stanza of the Vernon, which is also the first of the Caligula, and corresponds with the first of Henryson's, reads : — " Bi a wey wandryng as.

Vn-til a lettre al-one me lad, Pat wel was writen on a wal ; A blisful word J? Its press-mark is Ashmol. But the tedious elaboration of the poem and other critical considerations leave the impression that the unknown verse-maker is Henryson's debtor.

Auf dem Weg [German/Deutsch Gedicht]

Had the Vernon or Caligula text escaped notice, we could have said no more than that the poem revoiced a common sentiment of fifteenth century poetry, and that lines like the fifty-first and fifty-second reminded us very intimately of lines such as are to be found in the anonymous piece ' This warld is verray vanite. The 'schoolmaster' who adapted and elaborated Aesop so successfully may well have amused himself, and to good purpose, in the gentle art of ' paraphrase ' among the poetic commonplaces of his age ; just as he himself served in turn the purposes of later nameless rhymers.

Club ed. There are sixteen stanzas. Printed in Specimens of Middle Scots, it. It appears in the Draft, unidentified, and in the final text as the work of 'hendersone. Parallels can be found in nearly every English author and in every anthology like the Vernon MS. In both the Bannatyne MS. The title appears to have been given by Hailes, 6 who first printed the poem from the earlier of the Manuscripts. It was printed once again, by Laing in his collected edition. But such community of sentiment as we find between passages in our text and, say, Death's speeches to the Amorous Squire or the Friar Minor or the Reply of the Gentlewoman are not in the category of evidence.

Though the subject of this poem is familiar in the literature of the later Middle Period, there are some grounds for holding that Henryson had in mind Lydgate's Fall of Princes Bk. On the other hand, we may recall Lydgate's lines in his fable of the Paddock and the Mouse Here again is an illustration of the difficulty of dogmatizing on the Scots poet's indebtedness, especially when he is at work within a limited range of rhymes in 1 -ence. The Annunciation.

There the scribe names Henryson as the 1 Suggested by Mr P. Thomson in a communication to the Editor. See Tottel's print of the Fall of Princes, ff. Against the ascription to Henryson, given on the authority of a MS. The piece belongs to a type by no means rare in Middle English, and is in all probability a recast or paraphrase of some older example. Laing suggested that it was " an early performance," perhaps from its staccato or congested style. But its treatment, which presents many difficulties of word and phrase, is an effect of the prosodic limitations imposed, and the task of manipulating the formula ababbaabbaab in six short-lined stanzas might require an old verse-hand, if it were to be done as tolerably well as in the text before us — unless we assume that it is a closer adaptation than Henryson has made in any of the pieces which have been traced to earlier models.

Study of the linguistic forms almost compels us to consider the poem a direct Northern version of a Southern text. Sum Practysis of Medecyne. This text is found only in the Bannatyne MS. Laing printed it for the first time in his collected edition. It appears, of course, in the Hunterian Club issue of the Bannatyne text, but it has not been reprinted before the present edition.

There is no reason to doubt Henryson's authorship of this eccentric piece. Its absurdity and coarseness constitute no argument that the sober 'schoolmaster' could not have written it. It belongs to a type of bur- lesque verse which is fully represented in Middle and later Scots literature, and of which one notable example is supplied by each of the greater Makars. There is also the good Bishop of Dunkeld's Prologue to the eighth book of his translation of the Aeneid, a sort of Tulloch- gorum breaking in upon the serious deportment of the Trojan heroes ; and Lyndsay too has his whimsical moments.

Each and all of these pieces have the his- torical interest of supplying a link in the chain of popular alliterative verse which remained in opposition to Chaucerian influences. Such burlesques are no more than occasional exercises in sheer fun, with perhaps a touch of protest against the more orderly and derivative style imposed by the ruling fashion in verse.

They express the sense of freedom, or the demand for it, which is the excuse and motive force of the rough 'flyting. And just as it is all other argument apart no proof that James I. The Thre Dew Pollis. There are two MS. Hailes printed it from the former, 1 and Ellis reprinted it, in part, in After that date it appeared twice once in part in popular anthologies of and There is little to be said on this problem, except that there is no reason, based on style or subject, to deny Maitland's ascription.

The subject is familiar. Hailes thought it odd that the poet should introduce three 'deid pows ' or death's-heads — u the more so, because they all speak at once. Ellis follows Hailes and the Bannatyne MS.


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  5. B See Notes, infra, p. And a modern, indifferent to the evidences of literary tradition, might argue that the lesson to 'sinful man' from three 'deid powis' would be more effective than the warning of one. Ane Prayer for the Pest. This is preserved in the Bannatyne MS. There is no internal evidence which might contradict this conclusion. The poem first appeared in print in Laing's collected edition, and was reprinted, in part, in , m Henderson's Annals of Dunfermline?

    The verbal and prosodic similarities between this piece and Dunbar's Ballat of our Lady and portions of his Flyting are referred to in the Notes. Furnivall, pp. See also Notes, infra, p. Sibbald reissued it in in his Chronicle, again "from the Edinburgh Collection, The Want of Wyse Men is the only poem in the present edition which is not ascribed to Henryson in the early texts. Close examination of the style suggests nothing to controvert the assumption. The poem deals with a well-worn subject, and may or may not be a recasting of some predecessor's effort.

    Sibbald's statement that "it seems to point unequivocally to the feeble Reign of James III," 5 and Laing's corrobora- tion that " it evidently belongs to the reign of James the Third, when the unsettled state of public affairs might give too much truth to the burden of each verse," 6 are certainly not ' evident,' but they constitute a reasonable surmise.

    B Chronicle, u. Lost Poem. We may guess that Henryson's ' Dreme ' was a didactic piece or set of moral reflections on the times, like the companion ' Dremes ' of his fellow- Makars Dunbar and Lyndsay. Other Poems ascribed to Henryson. No other poems have been ascribed to Henryson with any show of evidence.

    Mr Geddie records this ascription, without comment, in his Bibliography of Middle Scots Poets, , p. Gregory Smith. He may have been tempted to his conclusion by the fact that four of the pieces inserted in the MS. Dr Diebler's assertion, brief and vague, does not put us in a position to revise the opinion that there is no evidence, external or internal, to justify the ascription of any of these poems in the Makculloch MS. No manuscript is extant which can be called original, in the sense of being either a holograph or a copy made by an authorized scribe. This we might almost take for granted — there are so many cases of the kind in Middle English Literature and especially in Northern verse.

    See under each. See the descriptive summary of the contents of the Makculloch MS. Not till the issue of Laing's collected edition in did that public which had some claim to know what Henryson had written find itself in a position to satisfy its curiosity. The preparation of that edition, and of this, is there- fore a gleaning of scraps from many quarters, and the encountering of difficulties from which the editor of an accredited corpus is happily spared.

    These considerations have determined the method of the present edition. It has been found best to print all the known texts. In the first place, it would have served no good purpose to give only one text of each poem, altered here and there by the incorporation of verbatim, or modified, or modernized readings from other texts, when the editor thought he was in the way of improving a line.

    Laing did this, and frequently without intimation of his meddlings. For this it is no defence in these days that such was Bannatyne's procedure in To add every variant in footnotes would cumber the pages to an extent which a Minellius would not dare to rival or a modern student consent to endure. In the second place, it is in the majority of cases impossible to select a single text as the best in respect of authenticity or literary merit.

    Literature & Linguistics

    Some- times where we seem to get near to the original form, we find we have no more than a fragment, and are compelled to turn for the rest to some later anthologist's version. Henryson's Poems have been gathered together from these ten works, manuscript and printed : — a The Makculloch MS. The conditions of transcription differed greatly. There is more of the scribe's deliberation in the anthologies of Asloan, Bannatyne, and Maitland ; yet these vary con- siderably, and in the second, in its final form, both matter and language have suffered from editorial zeal.

    Thus Henryson's text, as we have it, is, from the point of view of language, a conglomerate, as indeed all our Middle Scots material is, if considered as a whole. Yet the variety helps rather than thwarts our knowledge of that artificial middle speech ; and within the Henrysonian texts themselves, as a sort of 'picture in little' of the greater corpus, there is no lack of evidence of the main characteristics.

    The language is, on a general estimate, identical with that of all the Makars, greater or lesser, in or near to Henryson's time, and it would therefore be a task of supererogation to define and tabulate again what is already familiar to every student of the Kingis Quair or Dunbar or Douglas. It will be found that there are few or any peculiarities of word, form, or construction in Henryson's verse, which are not represented in the extant texts of his contemporaries and immediate successors.

    In falvour favour , in II. It must be noted, however, that nearly all these forms are found in the Bannatyne MS. Henryson's reputation as a metrist has never been in doubt. The mastery of verse-forms alien to native tra- dition, and worked out in language and phrase also to a great extent alien, has often been remarked by readers of the poetry of the Northern Chaucerians. They not only outstripped their hobbling contemporaries in the South, but moved, not seldom, with a freedom and grace which Dan Chaucer himself has not bettered.

    Among them Henryson holds his own, when we have him at his best, in such passages as the 'Complaint' of Cresseid 1 and the 'Dirge' of Orpheus 2 ; and duller moments, as in some of his minor didactic poems, do not press upon him more often or more cruelly than on the merriest of his neigh- bours.

    He has not the metrical range of Dunbar, but he shows he is not behind him in competence when they follow common models. He has left over five thousand lines, 3 of which all except one hundred and sixty -four 4 are grouped in stanzas. Almost four-fifths 5 of these stanzas are in the seven-lined form known as Rhyme-royal or Troilus Verse.

    The metrical varieties may be tabulated thus : — I. Four Hues. Common or Ballad Metre : alternately four feet and three feet, iambic, rhyming abab. The Garmont of Gud Ladeis. Seven lines. Troilus Verse, or Rhyme-royal : five feet, iambic, rhyming ababbcc. Eight Lines. Robene and Makyne ; The Bludy Serk.

    Nine lines. Five feet, iambic, rhyming aabaabbab. The ' Complaint ' in the Testament of Cresseid. Ten lines. Five feet, iambic, rhyming aabaabbcbc. The ' Dirge ' in Orplieus and Eurydice. Twelve lines. Alternate four feet and three feet, iambic, rhyming ababbaabbaab a being always four feet and b three feet. The A? Alliterative stanza of irregular feet, with bob and wheel in the last lines, rhyming ababababcdddc. Decasyllabic couplet or ' Riding-rhyme.

    It will be observed how readily Henryson turned to the stanzaic form, for he has only once, and only in part of a poem, attempted the riding-rhyme. In this respect he is like many of the Northern Makars, to whom the Chau- cerian stanza proved more attractive than the Chaucerian couplet. Though he writes the latter with considerable ease, and shows at times that like Chaucer he had 1 See note, p. There too, especially in the Troilus and nine-lined stanzas, both exemplified in the Testament, he is at once disciple and worthy successor.

    The Scottish poets seem to find their metrical opportunity when the emotions are uppermost. James I. Nor do the complication of the verse-form and the for- malities of the setting retard or obscure his power. He is least successful in the simpler ' ballad ' form, though it may be that the subject of the Garmont of Gud Ladeis the only example left by him did not lend itself so readily to treat- 1 E.

    Not Chaucer himself, not Sackville, has brought out the echoing clangour and melancholy majesty of the metre better than is done in the great tragic passages of this piece. And not even Chaucer has done much better, while Sackville has not attempted, its adaptation to the middle style of poetry in the opening of the poem, as well as in the Fables. With the octave of eights as in the Abbey Walk and in that of tens as in Youth and Age he has shown himself equally conversant" p.

    For this reason, perhaps as much as for his choice of language and his clear psychology, is his Robene and Makyne accepted as a masterpiece, and The Bludy Serk as more than a toler- able allegory. Here again we have illustration of what has been noted, that Henryson achieved success under metrical conditions which are none of the best for the poet who would be direct and simple. If we cannot claim either directness or simplicity for the tumbled humour of Sum Practysis of Medecyne, we can at least recognise the poet's facility in the weaving of its complicated stanza.

    Though much of its meaning if, indeed, he intended it to be anything but sheer topsy- turvy is lost, the lines still 'go. Its chief interest is, of course, historical, as a belated example, with others left by his fellow-Makars, 1 of a popular pre- Chaucerian type, originally dedicated to themes of high seriousness, and preserved, in one of its many varieties, in the brave tale of Sir Gawayne and the Grene Knight.

    That Henryson had good command of rhyme almost follows as a corollary to what has been said of his facility in the management of complicated staves. No fifteenth -century poet shows less effort. His rhymes appear to come easily, disclosing zest as well as cunning 1 Supra, p. If, with an apparently strange abstinence, he has only once indulged in the mediaeval frolic of internal rhymes, 1 he may have felt that his Muse could be indifferent to such exercises.

    There are few deviations from this general excellence, and because they are rare they acquire a special interest. Attention has been drawn in the Notes to abnormal usages, but a rough precis of the main peculiarities may not be out of place in the accompanying footnote. It may be added that Henryson's rhymes are generally, we might say always, based upon single syllables; 3 and also that in marked contrast with the practice of weaker contempo- raries, especially in the South, he is sparing in the use of the literary 'tag' as an aid against difficulties in rhyming 4 as well as against poverty of ideas.

    Examples are plank for plack, to rhyme with thank II. But see the Notes in each case.


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    Although chondritic asteroids never became hot enough to melt based upon internal temperatures, many of them reached high enough temperatures that they experienced significant thermal metamorphism in their interiors. The source of the heat was most likely energy coming from the decay of short-lived radioisotopes half-lives less than a few million years that were present in the newly formed solar system, especially 26 Al and 60 Fe , although heating may have been caused by impacts onto the asteroids as well.

    Many chondritic asteroids also contained significant amounts of water, possibly due to the accretion of ice along with rocky material. As a result, many chondrites contain hydrous minerals, such as clays, that formed when the water interacted with the rock on the asteroid in a process known as aqueous alteration.

    In addition, all chondritic asteroids were affected by impact and shock processes due to collisions with other asteroids. These events caused a variety of effects, ranging from simple compaction to brecciation , veining, localized melting, and formation of high-pressure minerals. The net result of these secondary thermal, aqueous, and shock processes is that only a few known chondrites preserve in pristine form the original dust, chondrules, and inclusions from which they formed. Prominent among the components present in chondrites are the enigmatic chondrules , millimetre-sized spherical objects that originated as freely floating, molten or partially molten droplets in space; most chondrules are rich in the silicate minerals olivine and pyroxene.

    Chondrites also contain refractory inclusions including Ca-Al Inclusions , which are among the oldest objects to form in the solar system, particles rich in metallic Fe-Ni and sulfides , and isolated grains of silicate minerals. The remainder of chondrites consists of fine-grained micrometre-sized or smaller dust, which may either be present as the matrix of the rock or may form rims or mantles around individual chondrules and refractory inclusions. Embedded in this dust are presolar grains , which predate the formation of our solar system and originated elsewhere in the galaxy.

    The chondrules have distinct texture, composition and mineralogy , and their origin continues to be the object of some debate. Chondrites are divided into about 15 distinct groups see Meteorites classification on the basis of their mineralogy, [14] bulk chemical composition, and oxygen isotope compositions [15] see below. The various chondrite groups likely originated on separate asteroids or groups of related asteroids. Each chondrite group has a distinctive mixture of chondrules, refractory inclusions, matrix dust , and other components and a characteristic grain size. Other ways of classifying chondrites include weathering [16] and shock.

    Chondrites can also be categorized according to their petrologic type, which is the degree to which they were thermally metamorphosed or aqueously altered they are assigned a number between 1 and 7. The chondrules in a chondrite that is assigned a "3" have not been altered.

    Larger numbers indicate an increase in thermal metamorphosis up to a maximum of 7, where the chondrules have been destroyed. Numbers lower than 3 are given to chondrites whose chondrules have been changed by the presence of water, down to 1, where the chondrules have been obliterated by this alteration. A synthesis of the various classification schemes is provided in the table below. They tend to be high in the mineral enstatite MgSiO 3 , from which they derive their name.

    E-type chondrites are among the most chemically reduced rocks known, with most of their iron taking the form of metal or sulfide rather than as an oxide. This suggests that they were formed in an area that lacked oxygen , probably within the orbit of Mercury. Their chondrules are generally in the range of 0. They are divided into three groups, which have different amounts of metal and different amounts of total iron:. An example of this group is the NWA meteorite.

    All groups of carbonaceous chondrites except the CH group are named for a characteristic type specimen:. Many of their other characteristics are similar to the O, E and C chondrites. R Rumuruti type chondrites are a very rare group, with only one documented fall out of almost documented chondrite falls. Nearly all the metal they contain is oxidized or in the form of sulfides. They contain fewer chondrules than the E chondrites and appear to come from an asteroid's regolith.

    Because chondrites accumulated from material that formed very early in the history of the solar system, and because chondritic asteroids did not melt, they have very primitive compositions. Although all chondrite compositions can be considered primitive, there is variation among the different groups, as discussed above. CI chondrites seem to be nearly identical in composition to the sun for all but the gas-forming elements e. Other chondrite groups deviate from the solar composition i.

    A chondrite's group is determined by its primary chemical, mineralogical, and isotopic characteristics above. The degree to which it has been affected by the secondary processes of thermal metamorphism and aqueous alteration on the parent asteroid is indicated by its petrologic type , which appears as a number following the group name e.

    The current scheme for describing petrologic types was devised by Van Schmus and Wood in The petrologic-type scheme originated by Van Schmus and Wood is really two separate schemes, one describing aqueous alteration types 1—2 and one describing thermal metamorphism types 3—6. The aqueous alteration part of the system works as follows:. The thermal metamorphism part of the scheme describes a continuous sequence of changes to mineralogy and texture that accompany increasing metamorphic temperatures.

    These chondrites show little evidence of the effects of aqueous alteration:. Some workers have extended the Van Schmus and Wood metamorphic scheme to include a type 7 , although there is not consensus on whether this is necessary. Type 7 chondrites have experienced the highest temperatures possible, short of that required to produce melting.

    Should the onset of melting occur the meteorite would probably be classified as a primitive achondrite instead of a chondrite. All groups of ordinary and enstatite chondrites, as well as R and CK chondrites, show the complete metamorphic range from type 3 to 6. CO chondrites comprise only type 3 members, although these span a range of petrologic types from 3.

    These meteorites either contain a proportion of water or minerals that have been altered by water. This suggests that the asteroid from which these meteorites originate must have contained water. At the beginning of the Solar System this would have been present as ice and a few million years after the asteroid formed the ice would have melted allowing the liquid water to react with and alter the olivines and pyroxenes.

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    The formation of rivers and lakes on the asteroid is thought to have been unlikely if it was sufficiently porous to allow the water to percolated towards its interior, as occurs in terrestrial aquifers. It is thought possible that a proportion of the water present on the Earth comes from the impact of comets and carbonaceous chondrites with the Earth's surface. Carbonaceous chondrites contain more than organic compounds that were synthesized in distinct places and at distinct times. These organic compounds include: hydrocarbons , carboxylic acids , alcohols, ketones , aldehydes , amines , amides , sulfonic acids , phosphonic acids , amino acids, nitrogenous bases , etc.

    The first fraction appears to originate from interstellar space and the compounds belonging to the other fractions derive from a planetoid. It has been proposed that the amino acids were synthesized close to the surface of a planetoid by the radiolysis dissociation of molecules caused by radiation of hydrocarbons and ammonium carbonate in the presence of liquid water.

    In addition, the hydrocarbons could have formed deep within a planetoid by a process similar to the Fischer-Tropsch process. These conditions could be analogous to the events that caused the origin of life on Earth. The Murchison meteorite has been thoroughly studied, it fell in Australia close to the town that bears its name on 28 September It is a CM2 and it contains common amino acids such as glycine , alanine and glutamic acid as well as other less common ones such as isovaline and pseudo-leucine.

    Two meteorites that were collected in Antarctica in and were found to be abundant in amino acids, which are present at concentrations of and ppm carbonaceous chondrites normally contain concentrations of 15 ppm or less. This could indicate that organic material is more abundant in the Solar System than was previously believed, and it reinforces the idea that the organic compounds present in the primordial soup could have had an extraterrestrial origin. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For trace fossil ichnogenus, see Chondrites genus.

    Not to be confused with Chondrodite. Protoplanetary disk : particles of dust and grit collide and accrete forming planets or asteroids. Chondrules in chondrite from the Grassland meteor. Main article: Enstatite chondrite. Ordinary chondrite LL6. Phnom Penh Chondrite L6 — Universidad Complutense de Madrid". Retrieved 19 May Hamilton Translated from English by Antonio Bello.