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This boiling can end because the fuel is entirely depleted or because the water evaporates. In the first case, one would have death by exhaustion; in the second, combus- tion. Now, it is evident that animal life is assured by an excess of heat- I mean to say that the equilibrium between the water and fire is not perfect and so the life could last longer if the boiling was diminished.

For example, it is evident that the heat released by our body is a loss. How much of this loss is necessary to protect our periphery? To be more precise: it is noted that usefully employing the force manifested and therefore lost by the heart in twenty- four hours could lift 4, kilograms one meter high. Quite the excess!

How much of this force is necessary to nourish our life and how much is lost or is harmful? The future of hygienic science lies in the solution to such a problem. Nevertheless, I know that this force is excessive and I know it, first of all, for the fact that many individuals whose manifest heat was inferior proved to be stronger than those with a fast-pulse and heat seeping from every pore. The latent force is the only force. What we perceive with our senses or measure with our instruments is the loss of force.

And have you observed how the brain functions egregiously in individuals with an abated heart? I have found lucid, nay acute, minds in people whose pulse was too weak and too slow to be measured. I gave up everything for the pleasure of making my mother feel the greatness and originality of my idea. By then I only had to say one word and mamma could understand my thought.

I needed such a collaboration! Usually when I work, I get lost in my rever- ies. I stop to contemplate the eventual consequences of my ideas, I caress them, I admire my future success and I forget the work necessary to realize them. This was not possible with my mother. She brought the systems which had greatly benefitted her in busi- ness to the laboratory. Mi arresto a contemplare le ultime conseguenze delle mie idee, le accarezzo, ne ammiro il futuro suc- cesso e oblio il lavoro necessario per realizzarle. Essa portava seco in laboratorio i sistemi che tanto le avevano giovato negli affari.

Con un decigrammo nel sangue si uccideva un cane giovine e forte in quaranta secondi. Dapprima mia madre non voleva credere si trattasse di una morte reale. La rassicurai dicendole che il caso era stato previsto. Il siero di cui avevo a servirmi doveva essere ben altrimenti elaborato di questo. Essa rimase commossa e per lungo tempo dubbiosa. Preparai un coniglio con iniezioni seguite per varii giorni di dosi minime di Annina.

Ne raccolsi il sangue che, steriliz- zato, considerai quale il siero voluto. Svegliai mia madre alla mattina per presentarle il frutto del mio lavoro. Mia madre guardava invece la povera bestiola aspettandosi di vederla morire. A decigram in the blood killed a young, strong dog in forty seconds. At first, my mother did not want to believe the death had happened.

She stroked the dog, trying to make it come back to life. The serum I wanted to use eventually had to be much more developed than this one. She was excited and, for a long time, dubious. That pushed me to work feverishly to remove any such doubt from her as soon as possible. I prepared a rabbit for successive injec- tions of minimum doses of Annina over several days. I drew some blood, which, when sterilized, I believed to be the right serum. I did all of this work gingerly in order to surprise my mother.

Thus commenced that memorable day of June 2nd with a triumph I have never had before in my life. I woke up my mother in the morning to show her the fruits of my labor. She got dressed in a flash and followed me to the labora- tory where the rabbit soon received the first-ever injection of An- nina.

The fact that it actually lived made my mother flush with ad- miration. What was only the application of my serum to a process invented by others arose more wonder in her than my own original idea. Only from this was her lack of scientific preparation apparent. The injected rabbit exhibited various phenomena. It ceased to eat for many hours, and when it did eat, after being placed among and confronted with the other rabbits, it appeared to be less vora- cious and slower in its movements. Except when it shook, it was evidently taken by a kind of stupor. Il mio faceva un balzo formidabile quando era minacciato la prima volta; era invece incapace di farne un se- condo se minacciato immediatamente una seconda volta.

Cadeva subito nel menzionato stato di stupefazione e si lasciava afferrare trasalendo inerte. Anche arrivando a constatare in essi quel mutamento di vita consono - se- condo le mie teorie - al loro mutamento fisico, non mi sarei trovato avanzato di molto. Solo la constatazione di un mutamento di tutta la funzione vitale - mutamento che in gran parte doveva sfuggire alla verifica mediante istrumenti - poteva giovarmi.

Non ebbi esitazioni! Quante volte non vengono lesi dal suono e dalla luce? Dei sentimenti poi non parlo. It suddenly fell into the aforementioned state of stupor and allowed itself to be caught, wincing inertly. In the dining room that evening, we continued to chat about the Annina. Where would those animal experiments lead me? Even if I managed to verify in them a change of life that was consonant with their physical change - according to my theories - I would not end up advancing a great deal.

Only observing a change of the entire vital functions - a change that largely escapes instrumental verification - could help me. I did not hesitate! That same evening I would inject the Annina into my own veins. The liveliest hope was reborn in me. There are not many examples in medicine of subjective obser- vation, but there are some and they are quite strange. The famous Napolitano doctor with nephritis was one of the first advocates of the milk cure. From the beginning, he subjectively intuited its beneficial effect, and later he proved it by objectively verifying the decrease of albumin.

Now, more than any other method, could sub- jective experimentation provide a conclusive outcome verifying an intensity of life which, in my opinion, must primarily demonstrate a decrease in the vivacity of the senses and sentiments. Because, if the Annina demonstrated the efficacy I hoped for, it would decrease what I call attrition. Now, what is our greatest attrition that squan- ders our strength without us realizing it?

Our sense of perception is sometimes not enough - I recognize this - but it mainly errs for too much sensibility. How often is it ruined by sound or light? Thus I do not speak about sentiments. The excessive joys and the excessive anxieties of the mind decimate humanity. In my head I anticipated the effect the Annina would have on me. I figured that the Annina must become the drug for intellectu- als, not for textbooks.

I have already said how I believe in the neces- sity of a manifestly strong heart for brain performance. Ne adoperai una dose molto maggiore di quella usata pel coniglio che non mi parve abbastanza anninizzato. Devo confes- sarlo: Mettendo il liquido nel tubetto mi tremava la mano e il cuore mi batteva.

Ma non seppi at tendere. Presi un foglio di carta, lo posi sul tavolo da notte assieme ad una matita per fissare subito sulla carta le osservazioni fatte. Una calma as- soluta e nel mio organismo. Mi sento agitato. Ore 10 e Ho paura di perdere i sensi. Not long after locking myself in my bedroom, I injected myself with the Annina. I used a much larger dose than what I used on the rabbit, which did not seem to be anninized enough. I must confess that while I pulled the liquid into the syringe, my hand was trembling and my heart was beating wildly.

That courageous inventor who passed 2, volts through his heart in order to prove the harmlessness of alternating current, must have had similar feel- ings. Perhaps I should have acted more prudently by postponing the experiment until the following day and noting my discovery in the meantime, because one of my colleagues would experiment later.

I put a piece of paper and pencil on the bedside table so I could immediately record my observations. There is an abso- lute clam in my organism. My pulse is eighty-four and is clear. The injection point on my arm burns. My temperature is I can count the heartbeats in my ear while resting on the pillow and I can determine that it is synchronized with the pulse.

An actual circulatory perturbation is excluded. A storm has erupted in my organism and seems to be surging. It began with a deafening noise inside my ears, so much so that it appeared to be external. At first, it was a burst, as if the air pressure outside exploded eight panes of glass in my bedroom with a single strike. And now it continues, deafening and threatening, as if something enormously intricate were approaching. Watching the gas-flame next to my bed reflect motionless in the mirror was enough for me to understand that all the noise was inside me, and not external.

I was terrified to remember the enormous dose of Annina I had injected. With a very lucid state of mind, I scolded myself. Professor Arrigoni was right to describe me as such a quantitative thinker who would quickly measure an abyss by throwing myself in. Ricordo con terrore la dose enorme di Annina che mi sono iniettata.

Mi faccio dei rimproveri con mente lucidissima. Che avessi la febbre? Voglio provare. Non arrivai a provare il polso. Ora am- monta a 66; 18 pulsazioni meno di iersera. Rileggo la descrizione fatta del malessere da cui fui colto iersera. Ma come completarla? Ricordo che prima mormorai: - Collasso!

Italian Academies and Their Networks, 1525–1700

Non ricordo altro! Quando ritornai in me ero mutato del tutto. Polmone e cuore dovevano lavorare perfet- tamente. Sentivo ancora un certo peso alle gambe e mi parevano sempre lontane. Could I have a fever? I want to check. I reread the de- scription of the malaise that took over me last night. How imperfect it is! But how to finish it? The terminology of medical science is too impoverished to be able to express my subjective impressions! My unease increased so much that I had to abandon the pencil; I stretched out on the bed and lost my senses. My lips no longer held back the saliva running down my cheeks, and I was suddenly aware that my respiration was short and precipitous.

The bedroom seemed completely dark. Only a yellow plate reflected on my retina: the gas-flame, from which no light irradiated and at which I think I must have stared unceasingly, because even now the poor, miserable thing remained imprinted on me, like it was before, cold and small, my only point of contact with the external world. I was dying! Down there, my legs seemed distant, well outside of the bed, and were enormously heavy. I remember nothing else! This morning I realized I must have gone through a delirious attack, because the blankets and pillow were violently strewn about.

When I returned to consciousness, everything had changed. It seemed I had come out of a benign attack of pneumonia; the euphoria was absolute. The lungs and heart had to be working perfectly. I felt neither my breath nor my heartbeat. Yet I felt a certain weight in my legs and they always seemed distant.

That certainly meant a weakening of the senses. I must have smiled from the satisfaction of being so exactly right. Touching my bare feet with my hand took considerable effort. They were warm. But immediately I deduced that this act had done nothing but verify the difference in temperature between the two extremi- ties. I searched for the thermometer. It had to be somewhere in the bed.

Debbo aver sorriso dalla soddisfazione di aver pensato tanto esatta mente. Fu con isforzo che toccai con una mano i piedi nudi. E stetti immoto senza fare alcuno sforzo per liberare il mio letto dalle altre scheggie di vetro che dovevano trovarvisi. Mi baloccai per lungo tempo immobile con le mie idee. Ero certo che avrei potuto balzare dal letto e correre a fare le mie annotazioni. Ma non mi mossi. Non lo guardai e mi limitai di consta- tare che la notte era alta. Esso sentiva debolmente i rumori che io pro ducevo movendomi nel letto. Passai ad analizzare la mia forza visiva.

Mentre al momento di svenire avevo visto la fiamma di gas quale un pezzetto di metallo lucido, ora scorgevo perfetta- mente che la fiamma era una fiamma ma pure mi parve non illu- minasse a sufficienza la stanza. Nello specchio la fiamma si rifletteva attenuata di poco. I was regretful. But if I had found it whole, would I have used it? Instead I stayed motionless without making any effort to clean the shards of glass from the bed, which had to be around somewhere.

For a while I frittered the time away, immobile, with only my ideas. My thought lingered on the annotations and I lingered on the thought of what I would write if I were to write it. For now, I would look at the clock to establish how much time I had spent unconscious. For me to raise my head just beyond the bedside table in order to see the clock would have been enough, but I did not make any such effort. I rested supine, blithe in the confirmation of one of my hopes for my Annina: I did not impetuously rush into action and I was proud about the idea that by now I was able to measure an abyss without throwing myself in.

Would I have measured it before? Thinking about the annotations pestered me, and without any intention to reach for the pencil and take it in hand, I analyzed my senses. My hearing certainly appeared weaker. It feebly sensed the noises I made from moving around in the bed. I then analyzed my vision. The reflected flame attenuated slightly in the mirror. Exhausted from the effort, I closed my eyes and relaxed. The effort required to perceive an object was largely compensated for by the acuteness of vision.

I could analyze the slightest hue of color. Until then a gas-flame was only yellow, with some red and blue reflection at the base-in short, foolishly yellow. Now I saw it was not so and in the flame I discovered more dispa- rate gradations of those various tones. The flame spoke! I hoisted my neck up a bit and stared into the darkness, attempting to see the wardrobe, which had to be next to the mirror.

Fino ad allora una fiamma di gas era stata per me gialla con qualche riflesso rosso e azzurra alla base; stupidamente gialla insomma. Quella fiamma par lava! Come tutti gli oggetti sono belli se visti con una forza che superi almeno quella di chi li guar da per moversi fra di loro! E lo rividi sempre fosco e oscuro quando abitava una stanza mai rischiarata nella nostra prima abi- tazione a Venezia; una sola finestra cui il sole non arrivava mai causa la stretta calle su cui guardava. Mastodontico armadio che ricettava allora serio, serio i miei primi vestitini corti. Riposai di nuovo dello sforzo mentre il mio pensiero non cercava riposo.

The wardrobe was an ancient chest, mas- sive, baroque, from a distasteful era, its luster faded, on the sides there were two pretentious mullions from whose gable-ends hung grape clusters. I never saw it like that before and, being an object I had had since childhood, I was astonished to see it in such a sur- prisingly strange way. As all objects are beautiful when viewed with an effort that exceeds the basest attempt from those who wish simply to move among them!

La vita agra

Although it was the first time I remembered looking at that wardrobe with such an eye, my vision of that mo- ment was compressed with all of the visions I had had of that wardrobe since childhood. And I see it again, always grim and obscure, when it inhabited a room in our first home in Venice that was never cleared out. A single window where the sun never shined through because of the small alley over which it peered. That mam- moth wardrobe which dependably held my first baby clothes. Inside was a strong odor of lavender that mamma loved so much. More than once I saw it outdoors on a barge looking shabbier than usual, various split grapes in its clusters.

Those grapes were still missing, but compared to the rest of the wardrobe, the wounds of yellow wood now appeared as if they were bleeding. They had not healed, but even time had matched their colors. I rested again from the effort while my thoughts sought no such rest.

All that I had expected was coming true: diminished life could better concentrate in certain directions. The physiologists from a century ago said: half or more of the human body is dead. Perhaps I augmented the dead portion, but I intensified the life of the living portion. Even my legs were more alive, if I wanted. Directing my attention thus, my sensibility sud- denly increased and, without looking, only from sensation did I clearly feel the gentleness of the soft wool.

Dawn came in the meantime. Io forse aumentavo la parte morta ma intensificavo la vita della parte viva. Subiva ora una luce antipatica, cor- rotta dal giallo della fiamma a gas. Poi a me parve di non arrivare ad addormentarmi. Nello stesso tempo il pensiero a tanto lavoro che dovevo compiere mi faceva soffrire. Eppure dormivo. In undici ore constatai in me tre stadii. II primo di cui non so la durata era stato contrassegnato dalla perdita totale dei sensi. Soon it became the most important aspect in the room. How beautiful it was, waking up in this manner under the red curtains.

Tired, I tried to rest. My last visual impression was once again the wardrobe, which had seen so many dawns without ever being so intensely observed. Now it suffered from an unpleasant light, corrupted by the yellow of the gas-flame. Then I was unable to fall asleep. I conjured up future experiments to perform. First, I had to see if the Annina was compounded in our organism, and whether it were possible to undertake treatment with daily microdoses where the dosage would be measured sim- ply by personal observation. Then, I had to investigate whether one might develop a dependence on the Annina, and whether this dependence would eliminate the violent attack or maybe even all effects.

At the same time, I suffered from the thought of all the work I had to do. And yet, I slept. As soon as my thoughts animated me, I was completely awake; the transition was so short. Then I fell back into a torpor that was nothing but sleep, a long, long sleep, a half-vigil; the sleep of the animal who had provided the Annina. And I had known it, I felt the desire for the deepest, most restora- tive sleep, and it seemed that when I tried to approach something or someone, it only got further away.

Over eleven hours, I noted three distinct stages. In the second, I had a very lucid mind but slow and pitiful movements; actually, I shall characterize them in this way: no perception without desire. I conclude: to enjoy the rest the Annina provides, it should have never been invented. Then, even those truly imperfect annotations were interrupted. Nella notte intera deve aver persistito in me un offuscamento di coscienza. Qui anche queste annotazioni tanto imperfette sono interrotte.

Egli si scalda anzi si scalmana per tutto e per tutti. E anche dopo egli diagnostica e studia e alma- nacca e assiste alle sezioni cadaveriche. Clementi walked in with a suspi- cious look, which indicated that he was in possession of terrible news. He was stressed and irate because, as I later learned, he had beckoned me for more than half an hour. I was always somewhat distracted but never enough not to hear Dr. Since I will be dead when the public learns of my memoir, one can assume that Dr.

Clementi will be long forgotten by then. His exuberance of life must make him go down the road much sooner than others who are endowed with more potent moderating organs. He gets heated up, no, he gets enraged about everything and everyone. I know him well because for two years I worked as his secondary at the hospital. Those two years seem to have happened under a railway bridge on which boundless trains furiously come and go.

How noisy that man is! Anyway, for him, every one of his patients is his own strange adventure affecting only him, and he talks, and talks, and talks endlessly about it. When he sees the patient on the first day, he immediately begins to diagnose, and he diagnoses the second day, the third day, and the fourth day until the patient either heals or dies. And, even after, he diagnoses and studies and daydreams and attends the autopsy. If his diagnosis was right, he talks about it so that it seems he was more surprised than everyone else.

One can say that he is not a braggart only because he is a scientist. The house doctor trembles when Dr. Clementi comes as a consultant. He certainly does not intend to do harm to anyone, but seeing as every patient of his has at least three diseases, it is unlikely that the house doctor had spoken about all three. Quando entra in una casa quale consulente, il medico di casa trema.

E pensai di raccontargli della mia scoperta e di pregarlo di fame una prova su lui. Contemporanea mente ebbi varie idee. Pareva tentasse di consolarmi prima di darmi una cattiva nuova. Aveva alzate le braccia e poggiate le mani sulle mie spalle per segnare un abbraccio che causa la differenza di statura non era possibile. Hai un sonno tu! Mia madre e il suo e il mio affetto erano dimenticati del tutto ed io non ricordavo altro che quel cuore colpito da esuberanza di vita. My first thought was: providence delivers me the person who needs the Annina more than anyone. And I thought about informing him of my discovery and to beg him to try it himself.

Coincidentally, I had various ideas. Among them, trying the An- nina on a fitful lunatic would be more conclusive proof than trying it on Dr. Clementi…but just barely. With an effort that must have expended a great deal, he suppressed his anger toward me for not having responded earlier.

He assumed an air of commiseration that did not foretell anything positive. It appeared as if he were trying to console me before delivering the bad news. The small, nervous man almost leaned on me. He raised his arms and placed his hands on my shoulders to indicate a hug, which was not possible due to the difference in stature.

Quite the sleep you had! Clementi spoke about a passive aneurism and gave me hope he himself did not share, how was it that I still lingered on my creation? Half an hour later she had the attack. Clementi chimed in. Vedendomi impallidire aggiunse con una carezza paterna: - Non perdere il coraggio.

Io piuttosto che fare una dia- gnosi ho sentito il pericolo -. Poi ricordo che oltre che suo cliente ero suo collega. Quando entrai da mia madre il mio piano scientifico era fatto; la cura doveva consistere in iniezioni a dose lievissima di Annina ripetute giornalmente. Non piansi. Celai i miei aridi occhi con la mano e mi lasciai cadere ginocchioni accanto al letto. Il caso di mia madre era tipico. Un grido, un solo grido ed essa - se io non intervenivo - correva precipitosamente alla morte. Se anche avessi dubitato della diagnosi del dottor Clementi, mi sarebbe toccato di convincermi al solo vedere mia madre.

Rather than making a diagnosis, I understood the danger. Due to my intimate coldness and the idea prevailing within me, my behavior was hesitant to the point that I was amazed she did not notice. I did not cry. I concealed my arid eyes with my hand and I let myself fall, kneeling beside her bed.

She raised her arm slowly and, staying supine, she gave me her hand, which I kissed. It appeared like sobbing, but I knew perfectly well that my breath was not hindered by anything but the hope to save a life with the Annina. A shout, a single shout, and - if I did not intervene - she would race precipitously to death. Even if I doubted Dr. The Annina had been invented just in time. I knew how efficacious that block of ice placed on her chest could be.

More was necessary to tame that heart! Before tearing, it had degenerated, but why had it degenerated? Before the strain tore it, she had evidently managed to degenerate it. It was not a fatty degeneration. It was the first time I found myself more deluded than even Dr. I continued to cry! If I had had sincere pain at that moment, even hearing my mother crying and afraid of damaging her with an overly lively emotion, I could have pretended and calmed myself down.

But instead I continued to cry until Dr. Do you wish to kill your mother? Ci voleva altro per domare quel cuore! Sta bene! Era escluso che si trattasse di una degenerazione grassa. Singhiozzavo sempre! Volete dunque uccidere vostra madre? La mia vita ridotta dal potente moderatore non bastava che a tener lucido il mio cervello e a mala pena il sentimento di me e per me. Invece ora mi mancava il dolore persino assistendo alla rappresentazione di quello che, vicino o lontano, era pure il mio destino.

La previsione della morte esisteva allora in me soltanto quale la conclusione di un sillogismo Ricordo che assursi a mio giudice. Risposi schiettamente a me stesso che gli avrei dato del cane! I hugged my mother telling her, smiling, I was so moved to hear her declare that she was about to die.

There was no doubt! The Annina obscured the emotions and pain in my organism. Was it not predicted that it would decrease attrition? Being a sane individual, but not one of the strongest, I have always noted the trait of rapid combustion in my organism. Actually, I always had warm hands and an exuberance of emotions that made me suffer when I saw an animal suffer.

Now, instead, I lacked pain even when present to the representation of what, near or far, was also my destiny. The prevision of death existed in me then only as the conclusion of a syllogism…perhaps even that was wrong. And yet, this indifference was unmatched by a feeling of deca- dence not dissimilar from what a person must feel when they suc- cumb to a discouraging vice. I reminisced about my altruistic past as now an unattainable feat for me.

Again: lucid brain and clouded emotion. As soon as I was alone with my mother, I immediately as- sailed her. I had to find a way to suggest the Annina cure without agitating her too much. I began by telling her that I felt very well despite the fact that the previous evening I injected myself with the Annina. Then I told her all about my adventures through the night and she listened with great pleasure.

It seemed that for a few moments she even forgot about her terrible state. I told her that her heart was likely to tear and that she must be careful not to get agitated or make any abrupt movements. The threat of aneurism only subsisted in her due to the excess of life. Poi le raccontai tutte le mie avventure della notte ed essa le ascolto con grande piacere. Mi parve che per istanti dimenticasse persino la sua terribile posizione. In conclusione mi disse: - Tu sei un eroe, tu! Poi le parlai con cautela del suo male.

Oggi io so con sicurezza quasi matematica che mia madre era condannata a morire in brevi ore. Ma io giuocai in modo indegno con la vita di mia madre. Forse essa ne sarebbe stata spaventata e avrebbe ri- fiutato il mio farmaco. Do it! I thank the heavens that my illness offers you the occa- sion to perform a very decisive experiment!

I have to stop writing occasionally to find relief in crying. I did not kill my mother, but I was saved from the crime only by chance. Today, I know with almost mathematical assurance that my mother was condemned to die very shortly. Clementi himself confirmed that he only spoke of the operation to provide a hopeful word. My remorse is greater because of the fact that I had deceived her in order to convince her to try the Annina. Perhaps she would have been too afraid and would refuse my drug.

With a steady hand, I injected it into her. That eye became so mild, it stared at Clementi and then at me, restless and supplicant. She immediately quieted down in an immobility that seemed to herald sleep. While she quieted down, I became more agitated. Although I had decreased the dosage, it could very well induce an attack. If it were to assume violent forms, she would quickly die and my experiment would be finished.

My heart beat wildly! But not yet for my mother. Now my exposition becomes even more inchoate than before. I was struck by the same symptoms: an agitation that took my breath away and, in my ear, outbursts which seemed like they were smashing my eardrum. Afraid of losing my senses, I had to abandon my mother. I crept away on tip-toes. Before closing the door behind me, I checked to make sure mother was not aware I had left. Se questa avesse assunte delle forme violente, essa avrebbe preceduto di poco la morte e la mia esperienza sarebbe stata finita. Mi batteva il cuore!

Ma non ancora per mia madre. Dovetti ab- bandonare mia madre temendo di perdere i sensi. Uscii sulle punte dei piedi. Corsi al mio letto. Tanto ero intento a studiare la cosa importante che in me avveniva. Ma non perdetti i sensi. Subito dopo mi sentii pervaso da un dolce tepore e godetti di un benessere intenso, inaspettato. Ora lo capivo dal fatto che io entravo in una conva- lescenza rapida quasi violenta. Mi fermai in seguito ad un vivo dolore al pollice della mano destra. Andai alla finestra per veder meglio e capire come una tale piccola ferita potesse dolere tanto intensamente.

Osservai subito che per essere stata fatta la sera in- nanzi, la ferita era arrossata pochissimo. Trovai ancora confitta in essa una piccola scheggia di vetro che levai. I was so intent on studying the crucial event happening within me. I was sweating like after a hot bath and the agitation became less violent. Immediately thereafter, a gentle warmth and an intense, unexpected feeling of well-being permeated through me. Up until now I had not told myself that the state the Annina put me in was the same as with a disease.

Now I understood that it was, because I entered into an almost violent convalescence. I felt a strong action in my head, a reparative action which I thought must resemble the cleansing process that happens during mild forms of a cerebral hemorrhage.


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Well then, had I injected a new disease into my mother? I remembered mother and her near-demise, and I forgot about the Annina for a moment. I started crying and sob- bing like a baby. The sudden pain was so sharp that the outburst of tears and sobs was not consoling, and I thrashed amok on that bed. After a sharp pain on my right-hand thumb, I stopped. The wound from the shards of the smashed thermometer the night before was the cause.

I went to the window to get a better look and to understand how such a small wound could hurt so intensely. I immediately saw that the wound was not very red even though it had happened the night before. I found a small shard of glass still lodged inside, which I removed. I could verify that from the time I had felt the pain, some metamorphosis must have taken place in the wound. And this metamorphosis still continued before my own eyes. It was evident! It inflamed and its small lips swelled up.

I was crushed! All of a sudden, that excess of life I wanted to eliminate proved to be necessary. Rather, it was wasted until an extraordinary job of reparation was necessary, but when it was necessary, it threatened only danger: that that excess of life proved insufficient. I wept like a baby, I wept for my discovery and for my mother. Era evidente! Ne fui schiacciato! Piansi come un bambino, piansi per la mia scoperta e per mia madre. Ritornai a mia madre dopo di essermi ricomposto quanto potevo.

Mi sedetti accanto al suo letto, presi una sua mano nelle mie e lungamente la baciai. Con un piccolo movimento brusco e sdegnoso mia madre sot- trasse la sua mano ai miei baci: — Mi secchi! Trasalii ferito. Provai un avvilimento e un dolore che mi fecero gemere. In risposta essa non ebbe che dei segni di fastidio. Le restai accanto fino alla sera. I was slightly dazed, like a drunk, rather like one who had been poisoned with Menghi Alcohol.

My brain was much less lucid than when I was under the full effect of Menghi Alcohol, so much so that when I found mother still pale but tranquil, in absolute rest, my hope was restored. There was no trace of suffering on her face. I sat down next to her bed, I took one of her hands and kissed it longingly. With a small, abrupt, and disdainful movement my mother removed her hand from my kisses.

I was startled, hurt. The discouragement and pain made me groan. And what if she were to die before being able to free herself from my poison and without leaving me a final, gentle word? In my state of semi- intoxication I thought I could win over her indifference by inun- dating her face with kisses and tears. In response, she only seemed annoyed.

In the end, despite her weak voice, she managed enough to utter a threat. I stopped fearing the violence which would im- mediately kill her. I stayed next to her until nightfall. Her torpidity never ceased. Her eyes opened slowly from time to time; she would stare into the emptiness or at some corner of the room and shut them again. My God! I was concerned. And what if the Annina were to cause her pain in her current state? I had a mild attack. Mild, very mild. Non pareva soffrisse. Mi disse di no con un lieve cenno del capo. Ne fui accorato. Io ebbi una lieve crise.

Essa non mi stava a sentire. Essa non rispose e attendemmo in silenzio. Quale pomeriggio fu quello! Lo passai interamente a studiare la sua faccia. Ogni suo movimento mi terrorizzava. Essa non gli rivolse la parola. Congedandosi mi disse: - Quella prostrazione mi dispiace. Ritornai a mia madre con una speranza nuova nel cuore. Risul- tava dalle parole stesse del dottore che la vita di mia madre si sarebbe prolungata almeno per giorni. Non le prodigai altre carezze e decisi di attendere. Mi sedetti su un sofa lontano dal letto.

Vinto dalla stanchezza mi vi sdraiai. Due o tre ore dopo, riposato interamente ritornai in me. I begged her to bear the cold at least until Dr. Clementi came back. What an afternoon that was! I spent the entire time studying her face. Every single movement terrorized me. One time she lifted a hand to bring it to her cheek, and I was so afraid that I bit my lip until it bled, so as not to scream. Clementi came and left.

I accompanied him to the door. If it were not there I could calmly let her be. I sat down on a sofa far from the bed. Overcome with fatigue, I stretched out; then sleep imperiously overtook me. Two or three hours later, I woke up entirely rested. Afraid of having left mamma alone, I leaped to my feet. I brought the candle next to her bed. I went pale! She was seated, albeit reversed on the pillow.

I put the candle next to her face. It was no longer so pale, but appeared rather pink. What frightened me even more was the smile spread- ing across her face, which in that moment seemed insane. She opened her eyes and when she saw me, she took my hand with a vivacious gesture that would have frightened even Clem- enti. How happy I am to speak to you, I had lost hope. She spoke con- tinuously for a long time, always repeating the same thing with new words, as if afraid I would forget it. Non sentendo subito il suo respiro temetti di trovarla morta.

Portai la candela accanto al suo letto. Essa era seduta sebbene riversa sul guanciale. Accostai la candela alla sua faccia. Aperse gli occhi e vedendomi mi prese la mano con un gesto vivace che avrebbe spaventato anche Clementi. Disse: - Come hai potuto immaginare una cosa tanto orribile?

Baciami ora! Come potrai ora consolarti di perdere nello stesso tempo e tua madre e il tuo grande lavoro? Io giurai! Poi piangemmo lungamente insieme. Parevano la- grime di consolazione mentre essa moriva. Kiss me now! Kiss me and cry with me. You thought you were doing good for everyone, and instead your invention is only another curse. Poor boy! But you must! Swear it! Then we cried together for a while. They seemed like tears of consolation while she died.

Why repeat the disjointed words of that poor moribund when I, better than everyone else, know how to translate them into more lucid and conscious words, because I understood all of her mean- ing and I guessed the sensations they arose from, since they were similar to my own experience and evidence? That poor woman was not animated by the persistent ambition which had led me to try it on myself, she could not have found life even in the contemplation of single objects. The Annina triumphed over all else in her poor body. Her lonely brain continued to work, but only granting her the awareness of her death.

She stopped speaking to enjoy her reacquired liberty, solely to die. The excess of life from the Annina was too violent for her already wounded heart. And I must say yet another word. To be able to refine this word is actually why I wrote this memoir. That I let my discovery be buried with me is not only for the oath I swore to mother. How can I deliver such a potion to our contemporaries? But think! A few days were enough to make me a delinquent! When I hear psychiatrists despair in not knowing how to iden- tify a common, specific symptom in delinquents, I smile! E debbo dire ancora una parola.

Come posso io consegnare ai nostri contemporanei un simile filtro? Ma pensate! Ne bastarono poche goccie per fare di me un delinquente! Quando sento i psichiatri disperarsi per non saper riscontrare nei delinquenti un sintoma specifico comune, io sorrido! Accetterei persino di somigliare al dottor Clementi piuttosto che di calmarmi in una deficienza di vita.

Not all delinquents betray their misery, but observe, observe indeed, and you will find that an attenuation of life exists in everyone. Let us therefore be mortals and good people. I destroyed the Annina and humanity can be grateful to me. Discussions with Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici were especially important for my understanding of some of the central issues of my research. I would want to thank the editorial board of Storia della Storiografia, in particular Edoardo Tortarolo and Guido Abbattista, for having accepted to publish this volume.

I am very grateful to Megan Trudell for her editing work. While all those mentioned have improved this work, responsibility for remaining weaknesses is, of course, mine alone. Thus, historians can be considered as the conscious or unconscious voices of their society2. From the middle of the nineteenth century, professionalism led historians to search for formal recognition, which was partially obtained through the establishment of research institutions, linking their vocation to national pedagogic and political aims — a pattern that was part of the cultural and social background of the new male world of historians3, who were recruited mainly from the upper and middle classes.

A study of this professional category has to consider these different aspects without underestimating the intellectual biographies of the actors that transformed the discipline through their writings and ideas. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Some recent studies on the construction and reconstruction of national histories, not solely by professional historians, are: Narrating the Nation: Representations in History, Media and the Arts, eds. Berger, L. Eriksonas and A. Hadler and M.

Carr, What is History? The George Macaulay Trevelyan Lectures. Palazzi and I. Porciani Roma: Viella, ; M. Bibliografia , ed. Casalena Firenze: L. Sociologists of science have studied the dynamic relations between scientific communities and social institutions. Richard Whitley, for example, has demonstrated how the innovations in science can be described as a complex pattern of competition, negotiation and conflict.

The relationship between institutions, ideas, societies and scientific communities is therefore very complex. Reference to this broad investigation entails an understanding of the mechanisms of the selection of scientific knowledge in a specific period, one that considers the national as well as the transnational cultural transfers9. Even though, as Arnaldo Momigliano has underlined, this element should not be overemphasised, since the more audacious historiographers 4 On the definition of field: P.

Bourdieu, Homo academicus Paris: Les editions de Minuit, Ringer, Fields of Knowledge. Bourdieu and J. Press, ; first edition Oxford, Torstendhal and I. Veit-Brause Stockholm: Kungl. Vitterhets Histoire och Antikvitets Akademien, , , in particular Torstendahl Stockholm: Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, This process led to the foundation of important scientific journals such as the Historische Zeitschrift in , the Revue Historique in and the Rivista storica italiana in Two years later the English Historical Review was founded and in the first issue of the American Historical Review was published At the beginning of the twentieth century, international conferences of historical studies held in in Paris, in in Rome, in in Berlin and in in London increased the exchanges and transfers of knowledge Professionalisation created fixed and lasting organisational forms with national institutional settings and university chairs The virtuous tension between theory and the critical analysis of sources was important to educate qualified historians and to select their knowledge.

The close ties between the introduction of new institutional settings and professionalisation can be best observed in those countries where the whole process started later and then accelerated, as in France and Italy Ma il rapporto non fu mai semplice. Momigliano, Tra storia e storicismo Pisa, Nistri- Lischi, , Middell Leipzig: Akad. Erdmann, Toward a Global Community of Historians. First edition K. Ruprecht, On Germany: W. In some countries the German model of seminars was exported, restricting them to a small elite of graduates: H.

Die historische Seminar vom Beginn des Interpretationen und Dokumente, ed. Blanke Waltrop: Spenner, , On France: P. Press, ; C. Simon, Staat und Geschichtswissenschaft in Deutschland und Frankreich On Italy: M. Moretti and I. Simili Roma-Bari: Laterza, , ; I. Porciani Napoli: Jovene Editore, , ; M. By , Norway, Finland, Sweden and Denmark had also introduced history into their university systems. Copenhagen instituted a Magister degree in history as early as , Helsinki awarded doctorates in history from the s, although it was before Oslo followed suit.

The full institutionalisation of the discipline in these countries was carried out during the twentieth century through strict methodological rules which influenced historical scholarship In Spain, around the end of the nineteenth century and again during the s, there was a progressive refinement of methodology that became based on a new relationship with international historiography and on a critical use of sources. Contemporaneously, the academic world assisted with a settling of career patterns in the historical field.

The introduction of Doctoral theses and the provision of places as ayudante or adjuntos in the university system regulated formal and informal rules for the selection of new members and initiated a long-lasting subordination of scholars to masters The introduction of dissertations or doctoral Borghesie ottocentesche in Italia e in Germania, eds. Meriggi and P. Schiera Bologna: il Mulino, , ; T. Tomasi and L. Atti del seminario novembre , eds. Schiera and F. Scritti in onore di Benedetto Croce per il suo ottantesimo anniversario, vol. Antoni and R. Mattioli Roma: Edizioni scientifiche italiane, , Jahrhundert, ed.

Schwinges Basel: Schwabe, , Meyer and J. Myhre Oslo: University of Oslo-Department of history, Generally speaking, as Raphael has demonstrated, two models emerged and endured: the Anglo-American model, in which there was a minor link between masters and pupils and therefore more inner mobility, and the German or French system, in which a strict academic hierarchy and a rigid order of succession forced the younger generations of historians to spend a considerable part of their professional life under the control of older professors.

This process was emphasised by the ongoing centralisation of the State and the scientific community, even if both had to combat the resistance of regional and local traditions and institutions On Spain see also: I. La historia local al servicio de la patria Zaragoza: Inst. Slee, Learning and a Liberal Education. For Cambridge and Oxford see: S. July 11, , n. University, therefore, was not conceived of as a means to train technicians, though this could have been very useful for a slowly industrialising nation still largely based on agriculture In Italy during the nineteenth century the territorial and regional perspective remained fundamental and this has to be considered in order to understand the evolution of the sciences, as well as Italian historiography.

Between the s and s the consolidation of historical research has to be analysed in view of this general picture. During these years, the first generation educated in the national school system entered universities and it is not an accident that some of the most illustrious historians also began to reflect on themes connected with the teaching in secondary schools During the same period in Germany, however, there was a strict connection between technical science and the constitution of the new State, a relationship in which centralised universities played a leading role.

See P. Schiera Bologna: il Mulino, On the evolution of the discipline in the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first of the twentieth, see: E. Artifoni, Salvemini e il Medioevo. Storici italiani tra Otto e Novecento Napoli: Liguori, Soldani and G. Turi Bologna: il Mulino, The different regional traditions and histories survived, however, through the formation of regional associations to promote the study of history.

Only in Turin, in fact, were the Deputazione already founded in by Carlo Alberto — with the aim of studying the history of the domains and the monarchy. This situation differed from Germany where historical societies had limited editorial activities because the universities, financed directly by the State, published books, articles and historical sources From this point of view it is very important to analyse the establishment of schools of greater specialisation, like the Istituto di Studi Superiori in Florence35, the Accademia dei Lincei in Rome or the 31 M.

Ridolfi, Le feste nazionali Bologna: il Mulino, ; M. Musei e istituti nel culto risorgimentale Quinto di Treviso: Pagus, ; U. Levra, Fare gli italiani. Memoria e celebrazione nel Risorgimento Torino: Comitato di Torino per la storia del Risorgimento italiano, Ridolfi Roma: Gangemi, Clemens, Sanctus amor patriae. Eine vergleichende Studie zu deutschen und italienischen Geschichtsvereinen im On the interaction between university and science and therefore between State and science see: Schiera, Il laboratorio borghese.

Cellini e c. Contributi di studio, eds. Ceccuti, C. Leonardi and L. Lotti Firenze: Paretti, , and E. By some of the most illustrious representatives of European culture — Theodor Mommsen, Leopold von Ranke, Ernest Renan, Ferdinand Gregorovius — had become part of the body of the Accademia dei Lincei.

Thanks to Pasquale Villari, who was Minister for Education, in the school became the Scuola storica of the society under the direction of Ugo Balzani. This was the initial seed which would lead to the establishment by Giovanni Gentile in of the first national historical school, linked to the Istituto storico italiano Italian Historical Institute. In Italy the first attempt to coordinate historical studies on a national level was promoted through the establishment of specific structures like the Giunta consultiva per gli studi storici, archelogici e paleografici which, due to its generalist character, was substituted in by the Consiglio generale di archeologia e belle arti The organisation of a series of national meetings starting in was an important opportunity for specialists to discuss not only the progress of historical studies, but also the practical aspects of the discipline.

On cultural preservation: S. That meeting closed with a unanimous vote to continue the work of Ludovico Antonio Muratori and create a catalogue of Italian sources from until and a National Bibliography of historical writings40, a project which did not begin until the s Thus, in these meetings particular attention was paid to the methodological problems relating to the critical editions of sources and their preservation in archives, as well as to the necessity of coordinating the different historical institutes and associations.

Even though these conferences had a distinctly pragmatic cast, they were firmly connected to the politics and processes of nation-building. In these different needs converged in the establishment of the Istituto storico italiano in Rome It was no accident that the presidents of the institute were historians and politicians, or individuals who straddled the two fields, like Villari Pasquale Villari was elected as president of the Istituto storico italiano in , an office he held until , when he was replaced by his recommended successor, Paolo Boselli Roma centro internazionale di ricerche umanistiche, ed.

Leggi e statuti, ed. Moretti, Pasquale Villari: storico e politico Napoli: Liguori, The minutes of the meetings are in: s. Correnti was already head of the Consiglio per gli archivi, a path common to all the presidents before Fascism. The minutes of the meetings of the Consiglio per gli archivi from its foundation R. Nevertheless, the establishment of the Institute was an indirect answer to Pontifical intervention On August 18, Leone XIII had published a famous letter regarding the renaissance of Catholic historiography — Saepenumero considerantes — which also referred to the opening of the Vatican archives.

In the first years of the new century, through Luigi Schiapparelli, a fruitful collaboration between the Istituto storico italiano and the German Institute brought about the publication of a new series of Regesta Chartarum Italiae50, which completed the collection of Italian history sources proposed after the fourth Italian national historical meeting. The institute had been set up on November 25, Padre sugli Studi Storici in Italia? See the description of these institutes in Speculum mundi, eds.

Vian and R. Loescher, W. Regenberg, However, for ten years, as Villari argued in , the Institute continued to be quite isolated, even though at national conferences many cultural activities to promote common studies and collaborations between regional associations had been voted for. While they can achieve the first of these purposes well enough, without strengthening the relationships between them, without a common direction, it will be much less straightforward to obtain the second The main task was, in any case, to implement a virtuous process that could reduce the dissimilarities between the methods used to publish and print, as well as create indexes and catalogues of the books in libraries and sources in the archives, as other European countries had done.

As Villari stated in Certainly when it comes to men like Muratori or Ranke, it is not surprising that they can do much more than others in Italy or beyond, because genius is an exception to all rules. But, unfortunately, we can see that this greater result is often obtained by foreigners who are better than many Italian scholars neither in talent nor in doctrine, and neither because they have more will to work. What is this due to? Mainly to method. Method not only guides their researches with sounder criteria, but also with sound, constant, uniform criteria they can prepare the material they need.

Indexes, catalogues, registers of books, codes in libraries or archives; works which examine, illustrate, criticise sources; great collections of monuments; everything is done, especially in Germany, without ever losing sight of the practical use of making research easier for the scholar, who can, therefore, with less talent than an Italian, obtain a higher result. We work by ourselves, without organising the work, at a time in which such organisation has become more necessary than ever A che cosa dunque si deve?

Principalmente al metodo. Villari referred in particular to the German example, which constituted an eminent model with its Monumenta Germaniae Historica. The history of the Italian unification process began to be studied only towards the end of the century. The field was not the object of academic studies, it was not a theme that interested the different regional historical associations and it was not discussed at the national historical meetings The first specialised journal was not founded until and the first systematic reconstruction of events was published by Carlo Tivaroni, an ex-Garibaldian whose Storia critica del Risorgimento italiano was published between and in nine volumes.

In a new governmental institute was created: the Comitato Nazionale per la Storia del Risorgimento Italiano. All its members were appointed directly by the Minister for Education This committee had to collect and organise the sources of the Italian Risorgimento and it became linked to the new library and museum that were established shortly afterwards During the First World War, the Istituto storico italiano did not completely cease its activities, maintaining the annual meeting and its governing board.

Levi, U. Levra and N. Tranfaglia Firenze: La Nuova Italia, , , in particular Leggi e statuti, 8. See M. Boselli was subsequently, at an early stage, in favour of Fascism. During these crucial years the board of the existing institutions and those of new foundations would be progressively occupied by national-Fascist intellectuals, which would bring about concrete changes in their functions. Even in the Istituto storico italiano there was a slow transformation.

In the resignation of Pietro Egidi started this process. The historian was director of the newborn National Historical School founded in December , editor of the Rivista storica italiana and, from , one of four government delegates to the Institute. The new nominations demonstrate the incomplete fascistisation of the institute and the flexibility that Fascism initially retained in its cultural politics.

In reality, Croce and Tamassia were excluded — or perhaps they willingly excluded themselves — since they never took part in the meetings At the end of the Minister appointed Arrigo 61 M. Isnenghi and G. In , following the death of Boselli, Pietro Fedele was elected as president of the Istituto storico and guided it through its delicate phase of reorganisation In , during the radical restructuring of historical institutions, the Institute became the Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo — the Italian historical Institute for Medieval History — and was subsequently put under the control of the newborn Giunta Centrale per gli Studi Storici Hence, through the s and early s, the Institute was slowly but inexorably taken over by people who were part of the Fascist Party or very close to it.

Albanese, La Marcia su Roma Roma-Bari: Laterza, , ; on the mechanisms of the construction of the totalitarian dictatorship during the first years of power, see R. Life under a Dictatorship London: Allen Lane, , On the institutional aspects of the authoritarian State: Lo Stato fascista, ed. On the complex transition of Fascism from a fascist-movement to a dictatorial regime: S. Lupo, Il fascismo. La politica in un regime totalitario Roma: Donzelli, On the Partito Nazionale Fascista: M. Palla, On the social aspects of Fascism: P.

Dogliani, Il fascismo degli italiani. Una storia sociale Torino: Utet, and E. Gentile, La via italiana al totalitarismo. Il partito e lo Stato nel regime fascista Roma: Nis, Capogreco, I campi del duce. Agenti, collaboratori e vittime della polizia politica fascista Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, A comparison with Germany is made by: C. Fascist cultural policy began with the press and education, two crucial fields for the communication and circulation of its ideas These measures together performed an important function in the politics of the nationalisation of Italians, a process progressively achieved in part due to the loyalty and the allegiance of diverse intellectuals Fascism also obtained formal control through mechanisms of coercion such as the imposition of a national oath of allegiance to the government for all civil 72 Turi, Lo stato educatore, On schooling, a perspective over a long period is: A.

Gentile, The sacralization of politics in fascist Italy Cambridge, Mass. Turi, Il fascismo e il consenso degli intellettuali Bologna: il Mulino, and M. Isnenghi, Intellettuali militanti e intellettuali funzionari. Appunti sulla cultura fascista Torino: Einaudi, Schleimer, Die Opera Nazionale Balilla bzw. On the young university groups in this period: S.

Duranti, Lo spirito gregario. I Gruppi universitari fascisti tra politica e propaganda Roma: Donzelli, Only 12 university professors refused to take this oath, a demonstration of considerable courage Some historians have stated how intellectuals lived in privileged conditions, preserving their autonomy in the absence of a specific Fascist cultural policy In analysing allegiances to Fascism, many different shades of meaning have to be considered, as Turi has argued, from loyal and spontaneous forms of commitment to formal means of coercion, considerations which suggest the abandonment of the idea that a constitutional state would have survived the Fascist seizure Fascism also had some basic principles in common with Catholic culture like its concepts of the family, of women and of society, which was to be organised through corporatism It is 78 Turi, Lo stato educatore, Goetz, Il giuramento rifiutato.

I docenti universitari e il regime fascista Firenze: La Nuova Italia, ; orig. The use of the term originated with R. De Felice, Intervista sul fascismo, ed. Ledeen Roma-Bari: Laterza, In more recent years many historians have reconsidered the extent of consent enjoyed by the dictatorship, see for example: A. Sabbatucci and V. Vidotto Roma-Bari: Laterza, , Quazza Torino: Einaudi, , Gentile, Le religioni della politica: fra democrazia e totalitarismi Roma-Bari, , , especially the definition See also Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics, But here, more even than elsewhere, the historian must be careful to let moral condemnation distort historical understanding.

No reasonable definition of Italian culture could exclude a philosopher such as Gentile, a historian such as Volpe or a dramatist such as Pirandello; and to assert that their work was altogether foreign to Fascism, and their connection with it purely accidental or personal, is an act of piety which may once have served the cause of intellectual tolerance, but now seems superfluous.

During the s, Fascist ideology utilised and transformed many pre-existing fields, circulating them through new means of communication The State, banks and private businessmen — in a marked interconnection between public and private interests — invested a great amount of capital in cultural institutes The dictatorship made it possible to keep these under the control of specific people who were in agreement with its ideological agenda.

The active participation of men of culture was important to lend strength to these policies. The role of other intellettuali funzionari intellectual civil servants was equally fundamental corporativi tra le due guerre mondiali, ed. Pasetti Roma: Carocci, ; A. London: Routledge, ; first ed. London: , , in particular and A. Lyttelton, La conquista del potere. Il fascismo dal al Roma-Bari: Laterza, , Turi, Il mecenate, il filosofo e il gesuita.

Pedio, La cultura del totalitarismo imperfetto. Mangoni, Pensare i libri. Editori, biblioteche e libri per ragazzi durante il fascismo Bolo- gna: il Mulino, ; G. Turi, Casa Einaudi. Libri uomini idee oltre il fascismo Bologna: il Mulino, ; G. Giusti, Una casa editrice negli anni del fascismo.

La Nuova Italia Firenze: L. Olschki, Parlato, La sinistra fascista. Storia di un progetto mancato Bologna: il Mulino, , ; C. Pavone, Alle origini della Repubblica. Turi, Giovanni Gentile.

Publisher Series by cover

The supposed liberalism has been underlined by P. Simoncelli, Cantimori, Gentile e la Normale di Pisa. On Volpe as an historian: E. Cossalter, Come nasce uno storico contemporaneo. Gioacchino Volpe tra guerra, dopoguerra, fascismo Roma: Carocci, ; G. Belardelli, Il Ventennio degli intellettuali. Di Rienzo, Un dopoguerra storiografico. Gioacchino Volpe tra guerra e fascismo Roma, ; I. Cervelli, Gioacchino Volpe Napoli: Guida, It is opposed to classical liberalism which arose as a reaction to absolutism and exhausted its historical function when the State became the expression of the conscience and will of the people.

Liberalism denied the State in the name of the individual; Fascism reasserts the rights of the State as expressing the real essence of the individual. And if liberty is to be the attribute of living men and not of abstract dummies invented by individualistic liberalism, then Fascism stands for liberty, and for the only liberty worth having, the liberty of the State and of the individual within the State This concept was realised in the Fascist State. Through this interpretation of the functions of the State it is possible to understand the theoretical basis on which Gentile accepted intellectual diversities, as long as they converged in institutional unity and a common direction.

The cultural institutes which were supported by Gentile were either declaredly Fascist, like the Istituto nazionale fascista di cultura, or were conceived in order to waylay nonpartisan intellectuals, like the 96 As Gentile proclaimed in inaugurating the Istituto fascista di cultura, it was necessary parcere subiectis et debellare superbos, Turi, Giovanni Gentile, It aims at refashioning not only the forms of life but their content — man, his character, and his faith. Bonner New York, , ; or. As Turi has demonstrated the entire entry was signed by Mussolini but the part on the Doctrine and the fundamental ideas was written by Gentile in Turi, Giovanni Gentile, Gli intellettuali tra partito e regime Roma: A.

Pellicani, The relationship between Gentile and Volpe had begun during their university years. The teaching of Amedeo Crivellucci and his lessons tinged with an anti-parliamentary Liberalism inspired by mistrust of the post-Risorgimento governments contributed to uniting the two researchers. At this time, the two young scholars would have understood the importance of the emergence of socialism in Italy: for Volpe an interest in this ideological movement started after the revolts of , a period which also pointed him along the path to his interest in the social aspects of history Antonio Labriola would also have had a certain importance in their formation, although his influence would be interpreted very differently by each The First World War was a convulsion, and their personal roads diverged at this crucial moment.

After the war their support for the Fascist movement had different degrees of intensity. Volpe, Ripensando al congresso fascista now in G. Volpe, Scritti sul fascismo , vol. Volpe, , Volpe, Amedeo Crivellucci, in G. Volpe, Storici e maestri Firenze: G. Sansoni, , On Labriola: G.

Both Volpe and Gentile were convinced that Fascism had a strong link with the Risorgimento, it was, in fact, its completion — a connection that regarded the concept of modernity as strictly limited to political strength. However, there was in the historian, as is known, small regard for the idea of State formation that aimed to restrict the ethnicity of its citizens; Volpe believed that in order to reinforce and enlarge the Nation, and to incorporate foreign territories, the majority of the population had to be integrated in the life of the State.

He was certain that Italy could rise again to a new grandeur, because the population had worked hard, but that its destiny was unfortunately submerged and blocked by difficulties caused by the early assertion of socialism and by international interference which denied the country its rightful pre-eminent status. Volpe, Fascismo, in Enciclopedia Italiana, vol. Furthermore, it had enabled the State to use the participation of the masses in its expansionist aims. To demonstrate his belief he developed a historiography which analysed the economic and juridical aspects, the history of institutional structures and the capacity of these same institutions to grant continuous progress to the population due to its productive capacity.

Volpe, Italia moderna , 3 vols. Firenze: G. Sansoni, The discipline began to shift toward Contemporary history: the project that Volpe coordinated for ISPI on Italian foreign policy from to was very important from this perspective. This research was based on sources preserved at the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which were usually inaccessible.

In Italy, Morandi, another pupil of Volpe, was one of the first historians to analyse the origins of the Second World War and of Italian political parties, and Chabod discussed the history of contemporary Italy in his famous lessons at the Sorbonne in Paris Moreover, even though the master had never spoken in favour of the academisation of contemporary history, this issue was strongly advocated by Chabod during the s From this standpoint it is useful to The volume has been recently republished: G. Volpe, Il popolo italiano tra la pace e la guerra , ed.

Perfetti Roma, Bonacci For a reconstruction of its genesis see: Cossalter, Come nasce uno storico contemporaneo, and A. Volpe, Il popolo italiano nella Grande guerra, ed. Pasquale Milano-Trento: Luni, , Introduzione di B. Chabod, Storia della politica estera italiana dal al le premesse Bari: G. Chabod, Italian foreign policy: the statecraft of the founders, ed.

McCuaig Princeton, N. Morandi, La sinistra al potere e altri saggi Firenze: G. Barbera, and C. On the journal Il Mondo see the essay by C. Also important are the lessons from the University of Florence, edited by the student Ernesto Ragionieri: C. Morandi, Le origini della Seconda Guerra Mondiale. Lezioni raccolte a cura di E. Ragionieri Firenze: Editrice Universitaria, Translated into Italian after his death: F. Chabod, A History of Italian Fascism, ed. Grindrod London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, Vigezzi Milano: Jaca Book, , , in particular In particular, the history of international relations expanded after To understand the cultural continuities and ruptures between the dictatorial regime and the democratic one after , it is very important to analyse carefully the moments of transition to Contemporary history: first during the First World War, then during the s and s.

Headlam Morley and Lewis Namier see A. Interesting other examples are: E. Carr, R. Seton-Watson, H. This was a period of fundamental transformations and adjustments to the educative structures, crucially their centralisation and the development of features which have remained characteristic of the Italian university system1. Moreover, the historical discipline was at the centre of these changes. This development was fostered by historians, some of whom also became Ministers for Education, and was especially encouraged through the opening of new faculties such as that of the Political Sciences, by the introduction of new history chairs like those in the History of the Risorgimento, and by the increase of employment through the promotion of research institutes and their interaction with universities.

For all these reasons it is very important, even when studying the biography of a single historian in this period, to consider the multiple factors which influenced his work: the academic and scientific milieu, the network or group which formed his cultural and personal reference points, as well as the projects and institutions in which he worked.

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As will be demonstrated in this chapter, the research directions of a generation of university students was crucial in giving new structure to a discipline which was relatively young in its Italian context and was thus still searching for its centre2. Fioravanti, M. Capo and M. Di Simone Roma: Viella, , in particular L. Simoncelli, La Normale di Pisa: tensioni e consenso Bongiovanni and F. Levi Torino: Giappichelli, To analyse how professional historians tried to circulate the results of their researches to a lay as well as an academic audience causes us to reflect on the public role of the researcher in the practice of his or her own work.

In that year the competitive examination was won by Franco 3 It is important to note that in Italy the academic chronological division of the discipline was: Greek History, Roman History, Medieval History Sixth-Fifteenth centuries , Modern History , Contemporary History and Risorgimento History the process of Italian Unification, nineteenth century. Angelini and M. Carrattieri, special number of Storiografia, 9, : Turi and Soldani. Leggi e statuti, On the School of modern and contemporary history see also U.

Appunti e note Roma: La Goliardica editrice, , though both are compilation volumes. The school provided for specialisation following the laurea, its three candidates had to already have obtained a teaching job. The interest in teaching was one that this new generation of historians inherited from their masters, in particular from Gaetano Salvemini and Gioacchino Volpe.

This concern was not merely one of sectional interest, but was intrinsically connected with the necessities of the alphabetisation of the nation-state. In an initial phase academic historiography referred the problem to historians of Literature, though it is important to remember that Paquale Villari, Amedeo Crivellucci and Giacinto Romano were all very concerned with the methodological issues of their profession, as well as with its civic duties.

These historians transmitted their sensibility to their pupils. Salvemini, although not directly focused on pedagogic matters, did tackle important issues relating to secondary schooling and popular education, firmly linking them to his social and political commitment, to which he was devoted throughout his life9. The experience of some specialist journals at the turn of the century — in particular La Voce — and the anti-academic teachings of Benedetto Croce in his journal La Critica, contributed to making intellectuals aware of their audience which, in this period, was still made up of educated people.

The First World War, from this point a view, was a moment of profound change. This new awareness came also from confrontation with the modernisation of the country and the new mass society. Salvadori, Gaetano Salvemini Torino: Einaudi, , Gatti, Dopo Caporetto. Quindicinale di storia e geografia, the first history journal addressed to a non-specialist audience For the internal evolution of the discipline more generally, it is telling that, already in the s, the managing editors of the Enciclopedia Italiana had tried to assign an independent section to Italian and foreign Contemporary history.

Initially the whole section on history — ancient, medieval and modern — was placed under the direction of Gaetano De Sanctis After his refusal to manage all the historical periods, the section was divided in into medieval and modern history from to , which was assigned to Volpe — who then became director of the School for Modern and Contemporary History Casati was responsible for scrutinising the headwords for the entries in the Enciclopedia Italiana up to the letter F and Salata completed the work, although he continuously underlined, in letters to Gentile, the difficulties involved as a result of the uncertain chronological boundaries of the 11 M.

De Sanctis, Ricordi della mia vita, ed. Accame Firenze: Le Monnier, , Casati to G. Gentile, July 25, in La Treccani compie 70 anni. Dear Volpe, Thank you for your kind invitation; but how can you want me to collaborate with the Encyclopaedia of one who has just dared to declare in Bologna that culture ought to be fascist? It is not even worth discussing, since Casati has already done so. Best wishes B. Saluti cordiali dal Vostro B.

La Treccani compie 70 anni, 92 and C. Volpe sent a circular to the authors outlining the criteria for the compilation of the headwords for modern and contemporary history, in which he recommended refraining from apology, propaganda and other polemics; he suggested they avoid the history of battles and dynasties and, consonant with his own historiography, recommended favouring profound social and political causal relations, the role of social classes, economic relations and institutional aspects The historical sections of the Encyclopaedia are a fruitful field of study, though analysis is a delicate undertaking, not only because of the theoretical implications which characterised them, but also because of the tight entwining of their political and scientific aims On the Catholic interference see: Turi, Il filosofo, il mecenate, il gesuita, Momigliano, Terzo contributo alla storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico Roma, , Ours, Gioacchino Volpe, let us choose the collaborators, arrange the entries, correct the drafts.

The young historian played a primary role in the Encyclopaedia during these years in close connection with Volpe and Gentile, personally controlling the layout of the entries, a clear sign that he worked in harmony with the two eminent intellectuals. Therefore, I formally propose that you write Europe, from onwards. If you consider the proposal for a moment you will see that the task is one which kindles great interest and from which much satisfaction can be gained.

It is a question of searching for the unitary elements in the life of Europe, not to write as many chapters as there are States; to see how this religious unity is accentuated by other relationships; to follow the various steps by which nations have individuated themselves and the merging of their politics with their economies.

And then the expansion on the continent and on other continents of what we call European civilisation, that is Europe. In conclusion, one can write something magnificent. If I was not oppressed by so many occupations, I would try it myself. A young man such as you must have the ambition to measure oneself against a work of such kind […] Egli ci lasciava fare: scegliere i collaboratori, assestare gli articoli, correggere le bozze.

Torre to F. Chabod, no place, February 29, in f. Torre Augusto, AEI. Se non fossi schiacciato da tante altre occupazioni, tenterei io. Volpe to E. Sestan, Rome, January 31, in f. An implicit solidarity grew up among those in the University or at the Encyclopaedia who had anti-Fascist feelings […]. The more things went on — the imposition of the oath on professors, the imposition of Party membership, the war in Africa — the less free the discussions became In his words, many young researchers had to move towards approval of the aims of Fascism, especially when working in its Institutes.

The influence Fascism had over historical studies during the s is closely woven and difficult to unravel; with the stabilisation of the authoritarian regime, the tangle of threads constituted by myth, mythological-poetic goals and history became even thicker. The relationship between Volpe and Chabod was cemented during the s; not only did the young historian collaborate on the Encyclopaedia, but he worked on many other projects fostered by the older historian.

An analysis of the many institutions in which the young historian worked clarifies his personal development and also, more generally, demonstrates the ties of influence established in that period It is significant, as we shall see, that the more renowned historians of the Post-war period obtained academic positions at relatively young ages, between twenty and thirty-six. The new regulation was published in , but discussed in Culture e pratiche della ricerca in Italia da Volpe a Chabod.

Arnaldo Momigliano was in charge of Greek History from , he won the chair in Turin in when he was only 28 years old. Carlo Morandi, who was four years older, won the university chair in the History of the Risorgimento at Pisa in Delio Cantimori, born in , won his chair at Urbino in when he was 35 years old. Walter Maturi and Ernesto Sestan, who remained outside academia for different personal reasons, won their chairs later, Maturi in when he was 37 years old and Sestan after the war The schools of Pharmacy, Engineering and Architecture, innovations of this organisation, had to have an exclusively technical and scientific competence.

School diplomas were set at the same level as the Lauree Faculty degrees , even though a sharp distinction was drawn between the two by the professional specialisation of the schools. There was a drastic reduction in university seats and 28 In general: b. On Arnaldo Momigliano: R. On Carlo Morandi: b. Morandi Carlo in Dgiu, v. II, 15, June 24, ; Bollettino Ufficiale, pt.

II, 17, 24 June, On Federico Chabod:, b. II, 13, February 28, ; UA. On Delio Cantimori: b. Cantimori Delio in Dgiu, v. Cantimori, Eretici italiani del Cinquecento, ed. On Walter Maturi: b. Maturi Walter in Dgiu, v. Maturi to D. Cantimori, Rome, October 28, , in f. Cantimori, Rome, June 6, , f. On Ernesto Sestan: M. Atti delle giornate di studio nel centenario della nascita Firenze, novembre , eds. Cristiani and G.

Pinto Firenze: L. Olschki, , Overall, the ten Royal Universities had a limited number of academic teachers: a little over five hundred for the faculties and about seventy for the Royal Institutes The Istituti tecnici Technical High Schools permitted enrolment only in the School of Economics and Commerce, which became a faculty in The teacher training schools — Istituti Magistrali — granted access only to the Magistero Not only did those who went to the female high schools — a Gentile innovation — have no opportunity to attend university, but also those who attended the Istituti Magistrali followed by the Higher Institutes of the Magistero could become at best humanities teachers at scuole medie junior secondary schools.

Between and there was, however, a substantial and general increase in the university population, including the female one. Matriculation numbers increased from 26, students in to 64, in , reaching around , in Graduations, however, did not increase as dramatically, due to the high numbers of students who did not complete their studies. It was the first institution in Italy and the second in Europe to occupy itself with higher education in commerce and economy, inspired by the school at Anvers. In , the Royal decree of July 15 extended the right to bestow this title to all the Schools of Commerce which had been founded including Bari and Genoa in , giving them equipollence with the degrees given by the Commercial Universities an example of which, the Bocconi in Milan, was founded in In the Venetian school passed from the control of the local institutes to the Ministry for Education, losing its autonomy.

The Royal Decree of the November 26, changed the organisation of the Italian university system, founding the Faculty of Economics and Commerce, also in Venice. On the role of women during Fascism and on discrimination in schools: V. De Grazia and S. Luzzatto Torino: Einaudi, , The increase in the number of students was due to social and economic changes which allowed greater access to High Schools and, thus, also to university degrees. As can be seen in the table, the data refers to different social categories.

On the relation between Fascism and statistics: G. On the theme of the subdivisions in the categories of workers and its relations to statistics: J. Geretto, Annali di statistica, 21, Professors Chemists, pharmacists Engineers, architects Craftsmen, workers, labourers Commercial specialists, accountants, book-keepers. Doctors of commercial science, agriculture or agronomy, surveyors, land-surveyors Armed forces Schoolmasters Painters, sculptors, designers, composers The war, economic crisis in the s and wars in Africa and Spain, as well as the post-Second World War period, accelerated this process.

At the beginning and immediately after the wars, in fact, there was an increasing number of enrolments and graduations. The increase in the female university population, for example, was continuous but gradual until ; it increased more sharply between and Volume V, Istruzione, ed. Law Arts Other fac. In the decade before the First World War the introduction of a special curriculum to educate a new ruling class of specialised officers had been a clear objective.

In , after a broad debate, the reformers decided to establish two courses at the Faculty of Law: one in Legal Sciences and one in Political Sciences The war blocked this process of reform, which was re- opened during Fascism. The only Institute that existed before the war was the Cesare Alfieri in Florence, established in Around another four headquarters of Institutes or Schools had been established for the studies of Political Sciences: at the Cattolica in Milan, and at Rome, Pavia and Padua. In , Minister of Education Fedele appointed a special commission with the intent of unifying the different schools and subsequently founding a new Faculty of Scienze politiche Political Sciences