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Iconografia teatrale e les attitudes. Raccolta Fossard comici, musici, acrobati e cantatrici. I Balli di Sfessania danzatori pantomimi e il Tuba catubba dello Sgruttendio. Le maschere e la Luna. Partitura del movimento. Contenuti e obiettivi del laboratorio. Paolo Rossi. Questo lavoro coinvolge anche i musicisti che lavorano con me, che sono la mia compagnia e la mia famiglia, anche loro ormai abituati a sentire la platea e a controllare la propria esecuzione in base al tipo di pubblico che anno davanti e ad assorbire al volo le mie indicazioni o i miei segnali nascosti.

Chi non sa dire le barzellette spesso pecca proprio in questo aspetto, fateci caso…. Sarebbe una normale gag, con conseguente risata, certo… se non fosse che la risata arrivava o meno, a seconda del suono forte o leggero della caduta, circa un minuto dopo…. Breve biografia. Esordisce come attore nel in Histoire du Soldat regia di Dario Fo. Nel approda alla televisione con Su la Testa su Rai 3. Nel , Rossi partecipa alle molte puntate di Il Laureato di Piero Chiambretti su Rai 3; nel conduce Scatafascio , trasmesso su Italia1. Nella primavera del , porta in teatro I Giocatori , uno spettacolo liberamente ispirato al romanzo Il Giocatore di Dostoevskij.

Belli di Spoleto. A maggio recita in Confessioni di un cabarettista di m. Le due opere circuivano in Umbria, con la presenza di Rossi anche come attore sulla scena. Ma che razza di eroi siamo? E se lo comprenderanno inventeranno sicuramente una vita diversa, una vita migliore, una vita che io non so immaginare. Sabato 20 febbraio ore 21, Il servitore di due padroni. Drammaturgia e regia Carlo Boso. Davide Anzalone. Francesca Berardi. Marco Chiarabini. Erika Giacalone. Teo Guarini.

Andrea Milano. Michele Pagliaroni. Arianna Primavera. Guido Targetti. Erica Marchetti. Luca Giombi. Sonja Signoretti. Stefano Perocco. Centro Teatrale Senigalliese. Comune di Senigallia. La commedia si svolge a Milano nel in casa di un vecchio imprenditore senza scrupoli dove si sta assistendo alla promessa di matrimonio tra sua figlia, Clarice, e Silvio, figlio di un politico romano.

Inaspettatamente, nella scena irrompe proprio Calogero Vizzini, venuto a Milano per incontrare la sua futura sposa. Arlecchino soffre la fame, mente, corteggia, ama, serve contemporaneamente due padroni, pasticcia la trama e la risolve, in un carosello fatto di lazzi, trovate di spirito e colpi di scena.

Sabato 27 febbraio ore 21, Quanto ne resta? I contorni si dissolvono. Prima di immergermi. Prima di toccare il fondo di me. Quando ero al mio posto. Quando ero in quello che dicevano era il mio posto. Quando ero in quello che dicevano era il mio sogno. Ho paura. Devo tornare indietro. A prendere un respiro. E guardarmi? Finalmente guardarmi? Apnea necessaria.

Una donna. Una valigia. Un lino bianco e… polvere foglie sabbia. Le hanno chiesto di aspettare: ma il sorriso di quella speranza si dissolve in un respiro interrotto.


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Selezione Visionari Kilowatt Festival Bianchi, EOLO. Il protagonista vive in un universo rassicurante, fatto di bianchi e di grigi, ha un petto-gabbia, dove tiene rinchiuso il suo cuore-uccellino, per paura che possa ferirsi o smarrirsi. Utilizza la musica, i suoni e le onomatopee come amplificatori del sentimento e del significato.

Bohem Press Italia s. Regia: Fabiano Fantini.

Attori: Roberto Pagura e Marta Riservato. Produzione: Molino Rosenkranz. Con Nonno Tommaso il tempo volava, persino durante le grigie giornate di pioggia. Domenica 28 febbraio ore 17, Dal 1 al 21 agosto. V Edizione Laboratorio internazionale e permanente di alta formazione. Sociali, reali. Laboratori residenziali e selettivi. I due laboratori costituiranno momento di incontro per la costituzione di un gruppo di lavoro in vista di un nuovo progetto in progress di Teatro Valdoca.

Cesare Ronconi per Culture Teatrali n. Gli interessati dovranno inviare via email :. Di recente ha collaborato con Raffaella Giordano alla drammaturgia e con Pippo Delbono come attore e cantante. Nel teatro italiano rappresenta una luminosa eccezione. Ma come osserva giustamente Nietzsche, gli Dei della Grecia sono immortali ma non eterni. A differenza del Dio del monoteismo essi sono nati. Non soffrono ma sono travolti dalle passioni. Sono a fianco a noi ma nello stesso tempo irreparabilmente lontani. Quanto a questo grande mistero, purtroppo, ancora oggi siamo nella stessa condizione dei greci.

Era, Afrodite, etc. Prometeo, etc. Uomini che non riescono a. Lontano dalla terra ma non. Il monte Olimpo. La potenza negativa della parola. La maledizione. Il Dio unico:. La preghiera. I partecipanti riceveranno preventivamente dei testi da studiare. Per la selezione si richiede: — curriculum vitae — due fotografie primo piano e figura intera — eventuale presentazione video gradita ma non obbligatoria — di durata non.

Nella stanza dei bambini. Atelier di creazione teatrale condotto da Alessandro Serra. Compagnia Teatropersona. Si tratta di pellegrinaggi molto rischiosi e a seguito dei quali si contano altrettante delusioni che successi. Marcel Proust. Tra poco arriveranno gli abitanti di quella stanza: hanno viaggiato molto, hanno vissuto e dissipato la loro vita, sono invecchiati, ma restano pur sempre bambini.

Avvezzo a curare persone e non personaggi. Non scrive copioni ma partiture musicali per anime. I dialoghi sono monologhi interiori che si intrecciano e si attraversano. I gesti e le voci degli attori che agiscono e parlano si nutrono degli altri. Come la voce che accompagna la magia di Charlotta che, scrive Cechov, proviene da sotto il pavimento e non da lei. Non fingere di. Stare come attore e come personaggio, nello stesso momento. Distillare la vita. In coro. Nel teatro di Anton Cechov non si interpretano personaggi ma moltitudini.

Indumenti comodi per il training. Quaderno per gli appunti. Un abito completo con accessori per vestire uno dei personaggi della commedia. Una vecchia valigia di qualsiasi dimensione. Riscaldamento fisico. Scrivere con il corpo, esercizi di composizione. La voce: canto e polifonia.

Il coro. Analisi del testo. Costruzione e composizione: rapporto fra attore, personaggio e figura. Gli oggetti: rapporto tra attore, oggetto e spazio scenico. La luce: relazione carnale tra attore e fonti luminose. Dal 20 al 24 Luglio. Nel cuore del tempo e del sogno, il tempo e il suo scorrere, il sogno e il suo sparire non ci sgomentano ma ci guidano.

Elena Bucci. Regista, attrice, autrice, Elena Bucci ha fatto parte del nucleo storico del Teatro di Leo di Leo de Berardinis partecipando a tutti gli spettacoli, da King Lear a Il ritorno di Scaramouche. Ha lavorato tra gli altri con Mario Martone e Claudio Morganti. Fonda con Marco Sgrosso la compagnia Le Belle Bandiere con sede a Bologna e a Russi Ra , per la quale creano spettacoli, progetti e rassegne per la comunicazione tra le arti e contribuiscono con eventi alla riapertura di nuovi spazi e del Teatro Comunale di Russi.

Dal 14 al 18 settembre. Create qualcosa che ancora non esiste. Un lavoro intensivo e residenziale, un incontro ravvicinato con un regista che ha fatto della sperimentazione il suo tratto distintivo. Sabato 12 novembre ore 21, San Diego International Fringe Festival Roma Fringe Festival Sabato 19 novembre ore 21, H Torino. Sabato 26 novembre ore 21, Si sarebbero affrettati ad amare.

Pomodoro Domenica 13 novembre ore 17, Domenica 20 novembre ore 17, Realizzazione ombre: Chiara Carlorosi. Domenica 27 novembre ore 17, Musiche dal vivo: Enrico Scavo. Dal 6 al 26 agosto. VI Edizione Laboratorio internazionale e permanente di alta formazione. Ci insegna a pensare altre vie da quelle che ci vengono quotidianamente offerte dal mondo delle compravendite. Si consigliano abiti comodi ma non sportivi.

Sarebbe interessante se, indipendentemente dal genere, ogni partecipante si dotasse di abiti maschili e femminili. Saranno utili carta e penna, dipinti, fotografie, musiche. Dorfman, Una Passione. Realizza a Bologna con altri artisti Molti pensieri vogliono restare comete , dedicato a Leo de Berardinis.

Artaud con Sandro Lombardi e Roberto Latini. Ha lavorato in cinema tra gli altri con Pappi Corsicato La voce umana di J. Inseguendo Laura Betti. Dal 29 luglio al 2 agosto. Stage with Michael Vogel.

Masks are poetic, archaic and archetypal. Masks disclose more than they conceal. They make the emotions in our body visible. Masks carry a secret and reveal it at the same time. They let us sense what moves us inside before making our exterior move. Masks spur our imagination. They help us use our memories creatively. And masks make us play. When a mask plays, it awakens to life. We will transform and notice how the masks transform, too. Precisely because masks are rigid, they articulate vitality and thus show that nothing stays and everything is in motion.

We will follow these movements. They will lead us to figures, to little situations and moments from which stories might evolve. Over the last 20 years, Michael Vogel has co-developed and staged an individual form of mask theatre. A form of theatre understood in the entire world — without words www. Stage condotto da Michael Vogel. Le maschere sono poetiche, arcaiche e archetipiche. Rendono visibili le emozioni nel nostro corpo. Ci fanno sentire cosa ci muove dentro prima di fare il nostro movimento esterno.

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Le maschere spingono la nostra immaginazione. Ci aiutano ad usare creativamente i nostri ricordi. E le maschere ci fanno giocare. Quando una maschera gioca, si risveglia alla vita. Ci trasformeremo e noteremo come si trasformano anche le maschere. Seguiremo questi movimenti. Ci porteranno a figure, a piccole situazioni e momenti da cui le storie possono evolvere. Negli ultimi 20 anni, Michael Vogel ha sviluppato e realizzato una forma personale di teatro con la maschera.

Una forma di teatro intesa in tutto il mondo — senza parole www. Michael Vogel. Born in Naila in , now resides in Berlin. The development of topics in joint authorship with ensembles is an important aspect of his work. His experience here ranges from the editing of literary and drama texts right through to visual theatre and the clown.

Michael himself studied at the Folkwang University of the Arts in Essen. Nato nel a Naila in Germania, vive oggi a Berlino. Ha lavorato come regista e coreografo per vari artisti e insieme a diverse compagnie teatrali e teatri, tra cui la Bremer Shakespeare Company, il Teatro Bochum, il Teatro di Wuppertal, il Teatro Strahl di Berlino e Gardi Hutter. What to bring: comfy clothes as well as items of clothing for dressing up. Also great are wigs, glasses, headgear and shoes. I partecipanti dovranno portare: vestiti comodi e vari capi di abbigliamento.

Anche grandi accessori come parrucche, occhiali, copricapi e scarpe. Lucia Calamaro. Nata a Roma, a tredici anni si trasferisce a Montevideo, seguendo il padre diplomatico. Nel vince il Premio Enriquez per regia e drammaturgia. I suoi testi sono di prossima pubblicazione novembre con la prestigiosa editoriale francese Actes Sud. Tuttavia i tiranni, come i poeti, non abdicano mai. Quando la professione coincide col destino non si lascia. Da qui nasce la tragedia: non si eredita dai vivi, ma dai morti. Ma sono caduto, o no? Sciagurati quei tempi in cui i matti guidano i ciechi.

LEAR: Mi dai del matto ragazzo? Con quello ci sei nato. Un abito completo di accessori e scarpe per vestire il personaggio scelto. Un oggetto che sia al contempo accessorio e requisito del personaggio scelto. Canto e polifonia Il coro. Alessandro Serra Si avvicina al teatro attraverso gli esercizi di trascrizione per la scena delle opere cinematografiche di Ingmar Bergman. Integra la sua formazione teatrale con le arti marziali che pratica sin da giovanissimo.

Nel fonda la Compagnia Teatropersona, con la quale comincia a mettere in scena le proprie creazioni che scrive e dirige, curandone scene, costumi, luci e suoni. Beckett, B. Schulz e M. Sabato 21 luglio ore Sabato 4 agosto ore Sabato 20 ottobre ore Sabato 5 aprile ore Sabato 17 luglio ore Sabato 11 e domenica 12 aprile ore Sabato 27 febbraio ore Sabato 12 marzo ore Domenica 8 maggio ore Sabato 30 luglio ore Sabato 3 giugno ore Sabato 21 e domenica 22 ottobre ore Sabato 1 dicembre ore Sabato 12 gennaio ore Dal 15 al 24 Settembre.

Laboratorio intensivo e residenziale per attori professionisti a cura di. Mi piacerebbe poter esplorare la drammaturgia di Harold Pinter assieme ad un gruppo di attori curiosi e attenti. Raggiungere ipotesi interpretative e accedere al confronto e alla verifica con il palcoscenico e con il pubblico. Un percorso di studio e di approfondimento di una poetica che ha influenzato intere generazioni di drammaturghi, di registi e di attori che trovi il suo culmine e la sua soluzione nella rappresentazione di quanto saremo riusciti a scoprire, a raggiungere.

Un lavoro di dieci giorni intensivo e residenziale, un incontro ravvicinato con un regista che ha fatto della sperimentazione il suo tratto distintivo. Per partecipare gli interessati dovranno inviare via mail il proprio curriculum vitae e due foto primo piano e figura intera in formato jpg dal peso complessivo massimo di KB. Per informazioni e costi, Centro Teatrale Umbro: Tel.

Un tema e due parole. Teatro Valdoca organizza un laboratorio residenziale e selettivo per attori, danzatori, performer e musicisti. Che cresca e che governi. Ci interessa, inoltre, far luce e confrontarci con gli allievi sui diversi linguaggi teatrali attraverso i quali il testo e la messa in scena possono essere affrontati. Nel sonno e non nella veglia. Carrozzeria Orfeo: un nome che nasce dalla contrapposizione di parole tra loro molto diverse. Slapstick and clowns. Beginning the journey of discovering inner creativity.

The Ego The three centers of the human body The five phases of work What is the importance of conflict and how to make Comedy. But: 1. Marx did not make any kinds of prophecies. Especially Marx warned that the transformation of capitalism would last. As far as in the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts from , Marx said that communism, just because it will be the logical result of the development of productive forces, and just because it will suppress the social causes of the alienation of man, a.

On the contrary, he stressed that a system never disappears before the old one develops its contradictions to their ultimate consequences and, at the same time and through this fact, it develops, involuntarily and from its inner logic, some elements bricks of the new system. Moreover, we know, and professionals of the philosophy of science have to know, that in science the verification can occur even after hundreds of years. And we do not speak about revolutions as such, because these ones are phenomena generated by past states of things, but about all the phenomena which constitute the inherent transformation of the present system, as the past systems were transformed too.

Popper admitted, with Marx, that there are sociological laws, but not the ones concerning history as such. The future is open, as Marx also thought and wrote, but Popper advanced only an abstract image of the improvements of democracy and welfare as a result of the political intelligence of the ruling elite under the former pressures of trade-unions and with the help of the social-democrate parties which alternate in a peaceful and honourable manner. Politics are impotent. They can never alter decisively the economic reality. On the contrary, he spent so much time to create the First International just because he knew and theorised that workers had to struggle for their rights, and first for political rights.

But the analysis of Marx showed — and not only because in his time the political regimes were authoritarian and workers had no rights — that politics, even if it changed political regimes and leaderships, could not go farther than the economic relationships. But there is no political liberty which could change in a fundamental manner the economic relations. The Western welfare state was an example of the high level of political and social liberties, but capitalism does not mean at all only a country, or the Western type capitalism.

He thus shared the theory which equates the socialeconomic system for example, capitalism and the political regime democracy and dictatorship. But these entities are not the same. In capitalism there were both democracy and dictatorship. These political regimes were and are the result of relations of forces inside the capitalist organisation.

Marx warned that if the objective conditions for communism — the high level of productive forces everywhere — did not exist, neither the social system would be communist, nor the political regime would be democratic. It would be, as it was, Stalinism. Stalinism was an attempt to change a system which could not be changed yet. There could have been an alternative to capitalism, but this alternative could be, as Marx stressed, only communism.

On the other hand, fascism was just the capitalist solution to the deep contradictions between the level of productive forces, including the labour force, and the constraining frame of capitalist relations: because of the significant pressure of the labour force for social and economic rights, the maintaining of the system as such, as well as because of the need of some countries like Germany to develop more rapidly to conquer a world dominant position, a dictatorial political regime at its highest level, fascist totalitarianism, seemed indeed to show the way.

By the same token, even if Stalinism as a political regime and fascism had common features — as the theorists of totalitarianism showed — they were not equivalent: they did not derive from the same causes and had not the same aims. Moreover, the concept of Stalinism does not cover only the Stalinist political regime but also the Stalinist economic system: an isotope of capitalism, and not at all socialism or communism.

But not only did Popper make this type of design about society. The time he wrote The Open Society… yet was the time of national capital: the time of national relationships between capital and the labour force. From this type of relationships derived all the other relations and institutions. Ultimately, the level of productive forces — we must not forget that it was the time of the first industrial revolution, even if in America the level of this revolution was already 18 ANA BAZAC 6 the one of Fordism — was the important cause which determined the need to keep the compulsion of labour force and, from this need, the mystifying ideologies, contradictory institutions and savage wars.

The best ideologists of the left — excepting Trotsky — even if highly preoccupied about the destiny of the workers, the poor and the social problems, knew that all these could be approached only inside the homo homini lupus relationships between countries. In that time, the efficient left was the one which fought for the welfare for its own working class inside the nation-state. As we know, this tactics was victorious in the western developed countries.

But just for this type of victory, socialdemocracy had to support the general right-wing policies: the social-democrat behaviour before World War I is significant. Neither the famous internationalist slogan from the Communist Manifesto: Proletarians from all the countries, unite! But Marx himself paid attention mostly to the advanced countries: England and America were his models, and not Eastern Europe, Russia, Latin America or India, could someone say.

Popper and the other thinkers grew up and lived in these countries when rulers transferred a part of their benefices from the world economic relations, where they dominated, to the ruled of these blessed advanced countries. Popper could not be an exception to this entire post-Marx period. Only very few thinkers — and between them the nomina odiosa Lenin and Trotsky19 — conceived that, a. In the theory of these thinkers, the falling of Stalinism — determined by the consensus of the Stalinist political bureaucracy and the level of world capital — was a necessary fact even if painful for many people , just because without its enemy, the world capitalism could emphasize its inner contradictions in an unveiled manner.

It is individualistic without being psychologistic. It admits the autonomy of sociology, in saying that men are formed by traditions and institutions, but attempts to avoid holism by explaining events as the consequences of individual actions. The interests of every human being are very different rather from the super-position of different kinds of interests at the same time: to have an interesting and creative activity, to have a job, to have a family, children, money to nurse them, to travel, to pay the housing, to be happy, to be healthy, to be saved from catastrophes, and so on.

Every interest enters into contact and clashes with the interests of other people and, naturally, even with other type of interests of the same person. But, at the same time, people have the same position facing many criteria: many are wage earners and not employers, or live in an advanced country or in a backward one, or live in a time when, to make war, people are educated in the hate of foreigners, and so on. Thus, the general, i. Every human being conducts him or, herself, in a rational manner, i. It is the connection between groups, each formed by unique and non-repeatable human beings, but which have also common interests, plans and dreams.

By denying that collectives states, nations, classes, etc. Discussing about institutions and traditions, do these ones not influence social groups, even if it is possible that every man could perceive this influence in another way because he is influenced also by other situations? For this reason, and not being an economist nor a sociologist, Popper was not interested in the social reproduction of these institutions, traditions and interests, and nor in the inner contradictions of this complex process.

Even if his main objective was not the analysis of society, but of scientific knowledge, his model of society was a puzzle of unintended consequences of clashes and co-existence of human beings and the explanation of society was the reduction of the social complexity to a puzzle of unintended consequences. Paradoxically, even if Popper hardly criticised Heidegger, his philosophy of nothingness, anguish and fear of death, the image of society in Heidegger philosophy and in Popper is similar enough: many human beings, conscientious or not, even if rational, live, run, suffer, die in the human anthill.

Every one for his own reasons, for his own survival — this is the only rule. Popper was, however, contradictory: on the one hand, he said we cannot deduce the future from the past — i. As I showed, a critical rationalism — as was the one of Marx — put under question the alternatives themselves, and not only the given system.

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But if we start from the premise that there are no alternatives, and that we can only deduce and produce better functioning hoping that this one will annul the contradictions and consequences of the structural relationships of the system and will improve it, our theory is not satisfactory. But even a rightwing type critique should have been taken into account. But this aspect is no more the goal of this paper. See Aristotle and the labour force. Karl R. It is not unsignificant that The Open Society …is dedicated to Hayek.

Even if he saw the difference between Marx and the vulgar Marxism and criticised this one. Unfinished, written by Marx in April-August , the Economic-Philosophical Manuscripts from were published for first time in , and after in , in German, in Moscow. It wants to disregard talent, etc. For it the sole purpose of life and existence is direct, physical possession. The category of the worker is not done away with, but extended to all men. The relationship of private property persists as the relationship of the community to the world of things… The community is only a community of labour, and equality of wages paid out by communal capital — by the community as the universal capitalist.

Both sides of the relationship are raised to an imagined universality — labour as the category in which every person is placed, and capital as the acknowledged universality and power of the community… The first positive annulment of private property — crude communism — is thus merely a manifestation of the vileness of private property, which wants to set itself up as the positive community system.

This image was prefigured by More in his Utopia Lenin wrote a lot and explicitly about the state capitalism which had to be constructed in the backward Russia, after October even if the slogans and values were socialist — egalitarian — the real productive relationships could be only capitalist type; the compulsion of the labour force, just for faster develop the country and improve the living conditions especially the cultural ones , had to be hard, and only the destruction of privileges of the political — state and party — bureaucracy could have soothed this compulsion.

Why state capitalism and not state socialism, as later Trotsky considered USSR — as a degenerated worker state —? Just because: 1. Russia — but any other country — could not construct socialism in a country without, if not the world, at least the European milieu being socialist. Just after it was clear that the revolution in Germany revolution failed, Lenin was more convinced that the only fate of the Soviet Russia is to become a model of rapid but at the same time democratic development of a welfare state.

As we yet know, that could not take place: Stalin developed Russia with the help of political bureaucracy and in a totalitarian manner. Concerning Trotsky, he did not see that Stalin — as the representative of the political centre of the bureaucracy which wanted practical socialism but Trotsky knew that the only fate of the practical socialism is the new internationalism. If the critique of Stalinism was not quite adequate, the initiative of a fourth International, the permanent underlining of the absolute need of internationalism as the way to fight world capitalism, made Trotsky the more important descendant of Marx, nearby Lenin.

See, for example the often met motive, from the old classical literature to the present movies, of the clash between passion and reason. Because, as Marx said, people make their own history but only inside the conditions they live, so under the influences of institutions and traditions and through driving at theirs own goals, but all these individual aims cannot unweave their common specific goals, as different kinds of groups. For Marx and for the logic of the historical societies where were and are social hierarchy, the most important division in groups classes is the one of the position towards the ownership of means of production.

But this division is not the single and, more, it manifests also through other division — as gender, race, nations, countries, different professional groups — in different covered or explicit manners. Just as the present theories of chaos, complexity and bifurcation demonstrated with their mathematical apparatus. As we see, the present social organisation can lead to the destruction of society and nature. But there are also tendencies which oppose this.

The first tendency is also internal to the logic of capital. Karl Popper, op. From the standpoint of the physics of universe, Roger Penrose and Stephen Hawking demonstrated the same thing: that there is an infinite number of histories of universe, and only this representation could explain, in a unitary manner the space, the time and the matter.

The serious and determinate critique on the religious historicism made from Popper an ally of non-conformist thinkers. For this reason, the mainstream political theory does not stop on and neglect the uncomfortable alliance of Popper with the heretical social theory. In fact, nor the critical rationalism, assumed by Popper, is more pleasant to the radical conservative theory. Resulta que es caracterizada por el conflicto y en el mismo tiempo por una identidad de intereses. Los principios de la justicia son necesarios para determinar como se van distribuir esos recursos.

Para resolver ese problema necesitamos una regla de orden entre los principios que pueda indicar que principio debemos respectar el primero. Para Rawls la prioridad la tiene la libertad: debemos respectar en primer lugar el primer principio. El libro se acaba con una tercera parte donde Nozick quiere convencernos que el Estado minimal es, contrariamente a las apariencias de austeridad y extrema pobreza, un ideal por el cual vale la pena luchar.

Antes hemos visto dos puntos de vista sobre la justicia y la igualdad en las obras de Rawls y Nozick, ahora me voy enfocar sobre la propuesta de Pettit en lo relativo al problema de la igualdad en el Capitulo 4 de su libro. Inicialmente critica las propuestas de los utilitaristas y de los adeptos de la libertad como nointerferencia, porque resultan desigualdades. Puede haber muchas razones que lleven al republicanismo a tratar de reducir la desigualdad material, obvio es decirlo.

John Rawls, op. John Gray, op. Robert Nozick, op. Ibidem, pp. En tales circunstancias todo parece, paradojalmente, posible e imposible a la vez. Un protagonista crucial de ese tiempo crepuscular fue la juventud. Es amor mercantilizado el que es pregonado a toda voz por su poseedor. Si la respuesta a esta pregunta es afirmativa surgen otras interrogantes.

El llamado de Weber es a no confundir el enamoramiento con el amor. Uno es intenso, abrasador y fugaz. El otro recatado, apacible y duradero. Las revoluciones no estallan en lugares apacibles ni en sociedades donde reina el amor. En efecto, las luchas callejeras entre las facciones en pugna ponen en riesgo la vida de los antagonistas y si la intensidad del conflicto sigue creciendo puede alcanzar el umbral de la guerra civil.

Su mensaje es otro: que lo hagan, pero sin perder de vista la realidad factual. Sin embargo se corre el riesgo de que la persistencia se transforme en tozudez. Para evitar tal estropicio, la persistencia debe estar asistida por la prudencia. Por cierto, se debe evitar que los medios desacrediten, difamen e incluso lesionen gravemente el prestigio del ideal que se desea implementar.

Si las respuestas a estas interrogantes son afirmativas, es porque fueron incapaces de asumir la realidad en su cotidianidad, tal cual ella es. Al negarse a aceptarla se evaden de ella. Hacia el pasado o el futuro. Los que han nacido con los ojos abiertos. Pero no todos los hombres son iguales. Sin embargo, ello no significa en modo alguno que todos sean igualmente ilusos o realistas en un mismo dominio de la realidad ni respecto a las mismas cosas al interior de ese dominio.

Por eso Weber interpela a sus auditores15 y los invita a que imaginen que va a ser interiormente de cada uno de ellos cuando abran los ojos, cuando asuman la realidad factural. En memoria de los veteranos de los ochenta, de los setenta y de los sesenta. De ellas hay dos que sobresalen por su precision y claridad. Max Weber, op.

Herbert Butterfield, Conflicto internacional en el siglo XX. Jorge Eduardo Rivera, De asombros y nostalgias. Eduardo Ortiz, El estudio de las relaciones internacionales. FCE, Santiago de Chile, , p. La conferencia, por el contrario, es de un realismo descarnado. Pero si Weber insiste demasiado en ello corre el riesgo de amagar el idealismo de sus estudiantes. Meglio sarebbe dire di nazione. Il passo successivo avrebbe visto tutte le crisalidi divenire farfalle e constituire insieme una grande unione, prima continentale, poi mondiale il che aveva un indubbio sapore millenaristico e mistico.

Se questo punto di arrivo del pensiero mazziniano passando per un governo democratico mondiale? A Mazzini non doveva sfuggire questo limite che potremo dire culturale, nel prefigurare una nazione di cittadini. Sapeva bene che le coscienze delle masse spesso anche le conscienze dei ceti medi ed intellecttuali non erano preparate e per questo insistette moltissimo per la loro educazione. Ed eccoci in presenza di un nodo centrale del mazzinianesimo come delle diverse ideologie nazionali europee.

Si construisce la nazione partendo da qualcosa che preesiste. I vincoli che la storia comune crea, le comuni convinzioni democratiche, le regole che insieme i cittadini scelgono a suffragio universale sono la malta che lega i mattoni etnici.

Memoria di Shakespeare - OJS::Open Journals Sapienza

Questo elemento che sembra accomunare Bossi a Mazzini naturalmente pesa molto meno di tutti gli altri che invece distinguono nettamente i due ammesso e non concesso che una comparazione sia lecita sul piano intelletuale e morale. Insomma, contrariamente a quello che venne critto nel Manifesto comunista, per il nostro i lavoratori avevano una patria. Egli vorrebbe che una forte e vasta Ungheria continuasse a esistere quale maggior esponente di una Confederazione comprendente altri Stati.

Ma credo che insistervi adesso sia fatale e impolitico. Lo stesso Mazzini peraltro, nel progettare Confederazioni atte a risolvere appunto i problemi connessi con la convivenza di diversi popoli nelle medesime regioni, commise alcuni errori. Erano anni in cui ancora non venivano percepite in Europa occidentale le prime avvisaglie di una rinascita bulgara quella macedone non era neppure ipotizzabile, quella albanese non si era avviata concretamente e quella serba non era ancora collidente con il Risorgimento ellenico.

Gli eventi italiani del e soprattutto del era necessario, a suo parere, che trovassero un naturale seguito oltre Adriatico. No, insomma, alla nazione-Arpagone ma anche e quella capitan Fracassa. Questi concetti furono suggeriti a Mazzini soprattutto dalla sua permanenza in Isvizzera. Quanto scrive nel suo saggio Mykola Varvarcev25 sembra in parte confermare tale auspicio-previsione. Al volger del secolo con il rafforzarsi delle tesi favorevoli alla rottura con Vienna e la costituzione di associazioni volte a porre fine al dominio austro-ungarico anche quel pilastro del progetto mazziniano venne recuperato.

Tuttavia proprio a un simile indesiderato evolversi del processo nazionale, Mazzini voleva ovviare con i progetti confederali, ma non solo. Mi riferisco alla teoria della guerra di popolo, alla fiducia nella forza del numero dei patrioti contro quella degli eserciti regolari. Oso dire che se Mazzini fu un ideologo le cui idee furono comprensibili e condivisibili in qualsiasi Paese, in particolare il suo pensiero era adatto alla condizione di quei popoli che non avevano potuto ancora, nel secolo passato, realizzare un proprio Stato nazionale.

NOTE 1. Il mazzinianesimo nel mondo, I—II, a cura di G. Limiti, Pisa, — Dello stesso autore si veda Mazzini e la Russia, in: Il mazzinianesimo nel mondo, I, cit. Gian Enrico Rusconi, Se cessiamo di essere una nazione. Tra etnodemocrazie regionali e cittadinanza europea, Bologna, Il Mulino, Giuseppe Mazzini, lettera a N.

Vicende e pensieri di profeti disarmati. Marcheselli, Trieste, Lint. Ideologia e azione dei movimenti nazionali in Italia e in Grecia, —, Firenze, Aletheia, Idem, Nascita di uno Stato balcanico. La Bulgaria di Alessandro di Battenberg nella corrispondenza diplomatica italiana — , Napoli, Edizioni scientifiche italiane, , p. Pitassio e R. Giuseppe Pierazzi, loc. Angelo Tamborra, loc. Koltay Kastner. Appunti e considerazioni, in: Il rinnovamento della storiografia politica.

Marta Petricioli, La questione dell, Ungheria occidentale nei documenti diplomatici italiani, in: Italia e Ungheria — Guida e R. Tolomeo, Consenza, Periferia, , pp. R; — des partis ou le groupe des dissidents: P. Toutes ces choses expliquent le comportement des leaders et de la classe politique dans la Roumanie postcommuniste.

Pour cette raison, on a besoin des lois fondamentales. Lindblom en This is probably the reason why in the Romanian specific literature from after , the cult of personality is defined as a political practice attributing an exaggerated role to a political personality within the evolution of society, producing a deformation of the whole political life of the country1 or as a systematic attitude provoked and controlled concerning a leader or a personality considered gifted with special qualities as intellectual, as sensitivity, as manager, as visionary etc. An inventory of the definitions before even if they were conceived from the perspective of Leninist-Marxist philosophy brings along a plus of nuances on the topic.

The theoreticians of the communist period noticed something that I have encountered myself, precisely that the name does not capture the whole complex of economical, social, political, ethical, ideological, etc. Schelling and Th. Carlyle, or in those of young hegeliens such as B. Bauer and N.

Stirner, in the case of the Russian peasant 19th century revolutionaries, the Narodnics, or in the works of F. Finally, in the literature the idea that the cult of personality generates in the life of society a chain of phenomena contrary to the general human moral norms is underlined, since the ware attitude of the people towards accomplishing their social duty is replaced by the bind compliance to the will of the deified leader, to whomever Pol. To understand better how stalinism was built, the analysis of Raymond Aron is extremely useful.

The author identifies five phases in the history of the Russian Bolshevik Party. This man is surrounded by his comrads with whom he discusses within the Politburreau, but to whom he is incapable to impose his will and whom, starting , begins even to terrorize, the factions are eliminated with no mercy, not only politically, but also physically. To this question, Khrushchev offers only one answer, one single interpretation: the cult of personality.

Or, all one can say is that this is actually no answer, no explanation. What kind of proofs they provided? And how can be confessed crimes never committed? Whichever the theory of history adopted at some point, we have to take the individuals into consideration a well. In order to go from potential to real, from the intelligible functions of epuration to the lack of measure within the real, ample process of epuration, it was needed an unique ingredient, a man, Stalin himself.

After some historians, the cult of Stalin appeared in the period — We are against the Secretariate, in fact reuniting the politics and whole organisation, situating itself above the political organ… Personally I consider that our general secretary is not a personality to gather around a polarized old Bolshevik headquarters… Especially because I have told these personally and repeatedly to comrade Stalin, especially because I have told about these things repeatedly to the group of Leninist comrades, I repeat what I have said here at the Congress: I have reached the conclusion that comrade Stalin cannot fulfil the role of polarizing agent for the Bolshevik head-quarters.

He walked around free through the C. Sometimes he stopped by unanounced at the Institute of Red Professors to talk to the students. The collection of articles and memories about Stalin, issued in , contained many exagerations and deformations of the facts. Some of the authors of this collection attempted to prove that even though Stalin was more of a practician within the party, in reality he was an important theoretician of Marxism-Leninism.

In an article entitled Stalin and the Red Army, K. Voroshilov attributes to Stalin not existent merits in the Civil War. Iaroslavski and A. The eulogies, that have considerably increased in number after the C. The fact that the first to resort to limitless eulogy were the members of his Political Bureau, especially Molotov and Kaganovich, confered those eulogies imediately the character of an official political line to be followed as well by those who have never considered Stalin infailible.

Radek spoke of Stalin only in superlatives. After a couple of days the article became a brochure, edited in , copies. Then, through Comintern, the cult of the Stalin was implemented within all communist parties from abroad. Forms of the Cult of Personality in Communist Romania before In Romania, the first signs of a cult of personality, in very shy forms in comparison to what it was yet to come, is noticed from the period when the communist party was not an unique political force within society, and they were dedicated especially to Ana Pauker.

Along with her adulation a style was inaugurated, that will be continued also in the decades to come.

anno LX marzo 1996

Listening to them at the meetings, with the clear and determined voice, vibrating at her high wisdom, at her great love for people, each felt her close, as if she would speak only to them, about their lives, about their needs, and each listens to her all ears, absorbing every word and every thought.

Therefore, this acerb fight for supremacy within the party has dominated the history of Romania in the first decade after war, a fight conducted mainly between the exponents of the two groups — Gheorghiu-Dej, from the inside and Ana Pauker, from the outside, each trying to enter the grace of Stalin the principal referee of this dispute. Far from offering a solution to the fight for power once and for all, the dispute between the two teams continued, gaining often-tensioned accents. Considering all these, the plenary meeting reaches the conclusion that the exclusion of Vasile Luca21 from the C.

Ana Pauker is sanctioned only with a warning, but the plenary does not elect her again as member in the secretariat and in the Political Bureau of the C. The latter could not exonerate themselves for initiating, encouraging and supporting the proliferation of the cult of personality of Dej, with unfortunate consequences for the entire Romanian society. They also have overlooked, encouraging a condemnable complicity, many abuses and illegalities to which the entire intellectual Romanian elite many from the intellectually flourishing period between the two World Wars, but also other prominent figures in our science and culture has fallen a victim to, given the inhumane regime of physical and moral extermination within that Romanian gulag.

Dej felt master of the situation both within the party and in the country, fact that permitted him to overcome succesfully the moment of Hungarian revolution, namely all the turmoil generated as consequence within Romanian young generation. One has to notice that the ability and diplomacy have characterized the whole political career of the communist leader.

These successes have consolidated internal stability bringing about a bonus of popularity to the communist leader, more than all party propaganda and more 72 RODICA IAMANDI 8 than the exacerbation of the cult of personality have accomplished. Starting the detachment from Soviet taking care of was a great merit of Dej, but unfortunately this did not mean for him de-stalinisation as well, as that started by Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Union Communist Party.

It was a de-satellisation to save stalinism and not to reform it, as tried Khrushchev in the Soviet Union Under such circumstances, appears understandable the equivocous attitude of Dej towards the re-launching of the process of de-stalinisation in the Soviet Union at the 22nd Congress of the Soviet Union Communist Party, in October He could not afford neither to situate himself in a position of frond towards the orientation of the Congress and Khrushchev, nor to sustain openly the cult of Stalin. In the same vein of falsifying the history, spoke many of the superior party leadership, among them excelling in demagogy and servility his successor at power, leader of the Romanian Communist Party R.

How sincere he was, showed seven years later, when he has launched a virulent critique aimed at the former leadership part of which he was too, as an opening act to the process he was going to intent to Dej. Even more, it was said that it was a great happiness for us that we have had someone to protect the party and state activists. The reforming action triggered by Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Union Communist Party and developed at the 22nd, with all the positive effects for the new Soviet domestic politics encouraged same actions in the satellite countries from the eastern Europe, with first manifestations in Albania and Hungaria.

Dej was favored also by his united team of collaborators, consisting of specialists in varied fields and of devoted political men. This amnisty was the unique liberating opportunity for many leading personalities of Romanian science and culture. All these events were the apogee of his career and brought about his large political support. As a benchmark for the new historical epoch for Romania, the Declaration from April was conceived by this party leader as a perspective program, but it became his political testament.

There were stated two priorities: external political life stabilisation and internal stabilisation of the political life. He succeeded to accomplish only the first, obtaining with many risks the authonomy of the party, its inalienable right to manifest itself as a national political force, and especially, the relative independence of the country and its national sovereignity. Posterity has to be grateful for what he has done good for the country and for the Romanian people. For this he was examined by a stern history and found guilty without any hesitation.

The two deziderates became the leit-motif of an absurd propaganda campaign that would lead step by step towards setting up a dictatorship and a cult of personality without precedent in Romanian history. Although there were only three years since his confirmation at the 9th Congress of the party as secretary general of the C. In December he has assumed for himself the function of president of the Council of State, so he was head of the state, too.

The action was not ostentatious, all taking place in the second part of the C. He talked about this subject at another meeting a meeting of the activists of Bucharest in 26th of April. His intransigent attitude in all matters of interest for the party and for the country, such as those tackled at the plenary from April , or his firm position in the Czechoslovakia matter, condemning the Soviet intervention and that has propelled him in the posture of a national hero, as the population saw in him an ideal, more liberal leader, more democratic and more open to renewal than his predecessor.

At the same time he became famous internationally, great leaders like Harold Wilson, de Gaulle, and Richard Nixon, rushing to visit him officially at Bucharest. The so-called liberation was only a relative one, though. As the word went back then, the man who established this attitude as a necessity within the Permanent Presidential Council was Maurer.

His reasoning was solid and clear. They could not imagine that he would use this popularity to ease his way to a total accaparation of the power. And nothing, no one, has impeded the application of his plan. At the Congress in , and the following ones, the changes in the mechanism of power became much obvious, and more precisely aimed.

Romanian Review of Political Sciences and International Relations

Very important was the change of the name of the supreme function within the party, from secretary general of the C. At the time he was already president of the Presidential Council and that was as I have said, the supreme function in state. Thus he became the only inamovable person in the party, protected under the simulacrum of party democracy. The measure affected the entire party, diminishing the importance and role of the other leadership organs, especially that of the Political Bureau to which even Dej has payed attention, because it used to be the main form of expression of the principle of collective leadership.

He defied elementary norms of party democracy. He arrived to be elected by a show were simply hands were risen and then cheers would fall unceasingly. Even more, now, all the members of C. When he has visited China and North Coreea in he was seduced by the dimensions and by the forms of manifestation of the cult of personality there. He saw meetings of adulation of the leader, fascinating spectacles of light and sound and decided to import more of such a political and cultural system.

He was way beyond such tiny satisfactions. He would look over the newspapers, find phrases with eulogy and not be thrilled at all. He has built as a lucid and calculated architect the complicated frame of mass delirium He has organised periodically gigantic congresses and conferrences. He has institutionalized the grand country tours, the pompous work visits in the counties, plants, towns, villages and the so-called dialogue with the people were hundreds of thousands participated. His successors will have a solely decorative role. Masses almost never gather willingly.

He succeeded to build an almost perfect model of a personal dictatorship political system, permitting him to control Romania, in every way, and the life of the 23 millions Romanians, as well, for almost a quarter of a century. The public opinion assisted perplexed to the metamorphosis of the leaders they put so many hopes in. We do not need idols. Thanks to a perfect functioning propaganda mechanism and to a rhetoric overstating the merits of the secretary general, forcing the superlatives of the Romanian language over decent limits, the cult flourished.

No less useful proving to be the actions of renamed artists, writers, plastic artists, who, from conviction or opportunism made all possible to set him high on a pedestal of power. Only Stalin has been genius and profet and father of many nations. The festive meetings the pompous festive shows to alledgedlly honour the actions of the forefathers were just pretexts to inoculate into the public opinion the idea that R. By relationship, as relatives, the secretary general, personifies all the aspirations of Romanians.

Without any doubt, the cult of personality carefully cultivated was supported by a wise foreign policy, of independence and sovereignity. Such foreign policies were aproved by all Western powers, as well, since the principles of these policies were most of them part of Helsinki Treaty. Mind that many were the same as those formulated by Dej in Declaration of April Thus the president of Romania, speculating the games of Western leaders, came to consider himself due to so many mouthpieces, as well one of the great personalities of the contemporary world.

Such a state of things that brought Romania on the brink of disaster was born at the confluence of three factors: the stalinist model, the will of the leader and the either active or pasive acceptance of the population The passive support was offered by the resigned, humble or indiferent masses, in front of dictatorial decisions even when those were not in their best interest, affecting their hopes and their human dignity and freedom. The stand up reaction was almost inexistent, not to be explained by cowardice attitude, but rather by a temporarily compromise, given that the cult of personality and the dictatorship both were considered temporary by their fragility, artificiality, demagogy and lack of truth.

Kon coord. Raymond Aron, op. Rossi, Autopsie du stalinisme, Paris, , p. Aron, op. Not after long, Vasile Luca was arrested, trailed and at 10th October , sentenced to his death, sentence changed after the appeal, to a sentence for life. Silviu Brucan, op. Ibidem op. Gheorghiu-Dej, op. Dumitru Popescu, op. Florin Constantiniu, op. In a lesser extent EU is considered as a valuable model of regional integration and security community. On the case of EU the regional political agenda among the member states was followed by programs and projects design to implement it at the grass roots level within the member state societies.

Sometimes it succeeded to achieve the wanted results and sometimes not. However, during the years European Commission accumulated trough the implemented projects a valuable experience. This experience may be useful for the implementation of the East Asian policies of reconciliation and regional integration. As a known example, the events of World War II continue to divide many parts of the world, because each country memorializes the period differently.

These contrasting ways of remembering can be observed in World War II museums, schoolbooks, etc. Would be useful to assemble data on how war and peace museums and history school books in key, representative countries for a particular regional system have chosen to portray this controversial period and to compare them with the data in key European Union countries, France, Germany, UK. On this sense the European accumulated experience may be used to reveal the way in which zones of fracture and conflicts in can be presented not only in their often-dramatic historical authenticity, but also in terms of their contributions to the identity of different nations1.

As a general hypothesis we may say that the cultural presence with a display of nationality as a label is no longer the exclusive precinct of national governments and their agencies. It occurs widely, driven by all types of transnational interests, emanating from politics, economy, education, science, culture and civil society, in a diversity of exchanges and collaborative forms. The trends towards globalization and localization are increasing the complexity of this trend. Teaching history in a certain manner can be a tool for encouraging students to be critical, and think Pol.

This is essential in creating security communities at the grass roots level. As general theoretic background research themes we propose the following: The Process of Reconciliation: From Diplomatic to Educational Initiatives; The challenges to teach tolerance towards historical enemies; The Impact of Democratic Development on Contested History2. Having in mind the European approach we are meant to ask and find answers to the questions like: What constitutes the local national approach? How does one interpret the historic heritage in local national terms?

What constitutes the basis for a plural reading of the city and its history in the European versus the local extra-European respective case? The suitable techniques dedicated to bring the historic heritage and experience of a particular country to the world; what is the place represented by academia as source of public policy initiative involving the representation of history?

Having in mind that trough the European Heritage Days, efforts have been made to propose subjects common to many countries at the same time heritage and society, industrial heritage, etc. Equally important are the means to insure visibility and social impact for the research findings For instance we consider that cultural discourse must connect with economic, political and media discourses or risk being ignored by the decision makers. The link between culture representation of history and development is not yet properly studied.

I hope to set up the foundations for a research agenda on this crucial connection. Within the present research it may apply by finding ways to integrate the academic approach of historians with the contemporary approach of cultural industries and public policies. The convergence of culture and trade interests is leading to new relationships between cultural institutes and the private sector, though many annalists are considering unclear whether this new agenda will impact adversely on cooperation between the institutes or other national players3.

Equally important are the means to insure visibility and social impact for the research findings For instance we consider once more that cultural discourse must connect with economic, political and media discourses or risk being ignored by the decision makers. For example the use of cultural investments for increasing the prestige and for improving international image of a place are methods currently applied by cities like Paris, Barcelona, Frankfurt, Bilbao, etc.

Analyzing the connection between the cultural infrastructure and development in East Asia may reveal a way to insure visibility for the theoretical findings which otherwise are usually ignored by the decision makers. The research results will be the raw material to design a project design submitted first to further universities and then to international organizations of the region. Once agreed at the international level those structures may persuade the national structures toward concrete national policies regarding cultural and educational initiatives. The same research agenda need to debate the medium of representation.

We have not on the whole exploited the possibilities of using images as a principal medium of discursive representation, using verbal commentary only diacritically, that is to say, to direct attention to, specify, and emphasize a meaning conveyable by visual means alone. Some things — the cites landscapes, sounds, strong emotions, certain kinds of conflicts between individuals and groups, collective events and the movements of crowds — can be better represented on film and, we might add, video than in any merely verbal account.

Every written history is a product of processes of condensation, displacement, symbolization, and qualification exactly like those used in the production of a filmed representation. It is only the medium that differs, not the way in which messages are produced. As a theoretic model we rely on the concept first pioneered by Karl Deutsch and developed nowadays by Emanuel Adler: security communities4.

Basically a security community is a regional system, where trough continuous dialog, diplomacy, communication, shared prosperity, common economic interests, the military means to settle an interstate dispute become unthinkable. The European Community was design as a security community. It started as a mean to prevent a further war between France and Germany trough common economic interests, mutual control over the strategic industries and regional integration. The success of EC as a model of regional integration and security community determined leading scholars to examine security communities in various historical and regional contexts: in places where they exist, where they are emerging, and where they are hardly detectable.

This kind of approach is based on the constructivist theory. It is an approach to international relations, security and development studies opposite to Hans Morgenthau Realist approach. It may prove more suitable to the 21st century international system. Within the study the terms memory and historical memory are used interchangeably to mean the manner in which the past is socially interpreted: Such memories are communicated via all manner of cultural products, including programmatic political statements, popular journalism, film, literature, high art, as well as historiography itself.

Ultimately, they contribute to the self-identification of individuals, together or as separate groups. The term Representation of History see Graphic is understood as the way we use to valorize the products of historical research to the general public. It is a matter of skills, and specific lobby with cultural, politic and economic implications.

After all any historic fact is a complexity and the manner a historian represent it to the public may create bridges of communication, or grow enemies. Sharpe, For the entire problematic see also:European Parliament, opinion on the communication from the Commission entitled Cohesion policy and culture:a contribution to employment, rapporteur. Vecchio, p. Il trasferimento in Olanda, dal al , non aveva interrotto il dialogo con amici, colleghi e alcuni editori italiani. Alcuni intellettuali e studiosi italiani cominciarono ad accorgersi di Culianu abbastanza presto.

Eros e magia nel Rinascimento aveva ottenuto, come riconosce Paola Zambelli, studiosa della scuola fiorentina di E. Anche P. La prima nel febbraio alla biblioteca di Palazzo Pretorio ad Arezzo. Nella conferenza di Assisi 12 febbraio , Mircea Eliade e il suo pensiero, G. Culianu fece scorrere delle diapositive su un gran numero di calzature femminili di molte epoche e tradizioni, e una certa sorpresa si diffuse in sala. Un taglio interpretativo di questo genere era nuovo al pubblico che lo ascoltava. Il Prof. Le reazioni di altri furono critiche, a voltre polemiche. Tra gli intervenuti, la Dott.

Ricci, la Prof. Bucci, il Prof. Oldoni e R. Sincretismo e fantasia. Il progetto prevedeva una conferenza internazionale, una sorta di piccolo parlamento delle religioni in Italia, simmetrico al grande evento a Chicago. Quella stessa sera il progetto fu esposto a Villani, ma la sua reazione fu tiepida e non se ne fece nulla. Traggo questi commenti da una conversazione con la Sig. Sono due. Anche questo racconto viene concepito durante un viaggio con Hillary al Cairo, a Gerusalemme e in Spagna. Le telefonate con la fidanzata a Harvard gli danno fugaci momenti felici.

Di giorno lavora alla Divinity School, gli studenti si affollano nel suo studio al terzo piano. Sembra che nella primavera del ricevesse minacce di morte. Ne parla distrattamente con Hillary, ma prosegue per la sua strada fino a quel 21 di maggio. Conci — Ioan P. Aneva 41 anni. Da Roma vennero ad ascoltare il Prof. Culianu, il Prof. Giovanni Casadio. Alla trascrizione del testo, facciamo precedere un breve commento.

Culianu nella sua esposizione si addentra decisamente a fondo in questo fenomeno. In tutti i reperti archeologici della zona, che sono moltissimi, la Gimbutas rinviene statuine di una dea rappresentata come la corpulenta venere paleolitica. A questa dea spesso si accompagna qualche animale Questa combinazione ha una parte importantissima nella costituzione, accettazione e successo della moda dei tacchi alti; qui comincia la storia vera e propria, a partire dallo zoccolo.

Gli zoccoli furono probabilmente introdotti a Venezia nel XV secolo. A partire dal circa, la moda degli zoccoli si estese in tutta Europa. La moda dei tacchi alti compare e scompare, si potrebbe ricostruirla in un ritmo sinusoidale In tale situazione non era possibile neppure sedersi, ma la moda imponeva alla donna di portare il corsetto per mostrare la vita sottile.

Un tipo di processo che andrebbe inoltre collegato, come hanno mostrato vari antropologi, alle teorie odierne della ominizzazione. Intervista rilasciata alla scrivente dal Prof. Frammenti primordiali. La natura illuminata e la sua estetica, vol. I, II Rubbettino, Mesina, Gli interventi a questa presentazione furono poi pubblicati in E.

Zolla, Tre discorsi metafisici —, Guida, Napoli, Nel si tiene a Chicago il 96 Ioan P. Vedi ad esempio Jurgis Baltrusaitis, Il medioevo fantastico. Il edizione Barrow e Frank J. Proprio questi anni vedono sorgere o risorgere i lettorati di lingua romena nella penisola italica. Certamente, non ci sarebbe stato possibile prescindere dai carteggi dei maestri di lingua romena riferiti al periodo in esame.

Quelle pagine, malgrado la lenta e irreparabile corrosione del tempo, conservano ancora i riverberi del loro passato. Di conseguenza, scivolarono in secondo piano gli aspetti davvero rilevanti della nostra propaganda. Le relazioni su ogni lettorato avviato in Italia sono molto diverse tra loro. Alcuni lettori ci presentano resoconti formali, mentre altri si spendono in ricche descrizioni.

Alcuni si limitano alla cattedra, laddove altri si fanno coinvolgere anima e corpo nella loro professione. Ruffini, nello stesso tempo, organizzava delle serate di musica tradizionale romena al giradischi. In genere, si sono reciprocamente apprezzati e hanno collaborato fra loro, condividendo affanni e successi. Non a caso, I. Anche i glottologi italiani G. Bretoni, M. Batoli, C. Tagliavini, A. Schiaffini, C. Monteverdi, C. Battisti, G. Devoto, B. Migliorini, A.

clog almanac symbols on the calendar illustrated Manual

Parducci, E. Levi, G. Serra etc. I docenti o i propagandisti ungheresi inseriti in altre strutture, al contrario, lo hanno guardato come un loro rivale, un perpetuo termine di paragone6. Questo disagio fu peraltro controbilanciato dallo zelo dei docenti. In queste due queste caratteristiche risiede il loro valore. Ruscalla; a Venezia — M. Canini , e quelli sorti nel periodo fra le due guerre — punto di partenza per la situazione che oggi ereditiamo7. I lettorati preesistenti saranno obbligati a rispettare le nuove normative.

Claudio Isopescu si aggiudica il merito di aver creato i lettorati di Milano e Torino, Firenze e Napoli, e ancora di quello sorto a Padova. Ricci e del Sig. Da Torino M. Ruffini affermava esplicitamente di essere stato incaricato da N. A Firenze, le cose erano state stabilite durante il ricevimento dello stesso N. Iorga nel febbraio , come indica anche il professor Carlo Battisti — della Scuola di Glottologia A Napoli, la questione della fondazione di una cattedra di lingua romena aveva trovato un sostenitore nella persona del professor Ezio Levi — , titolare della cattedra di filologia romanza.

Quei posti sono occupati da miei ex allievi e loro non fanno niente senza domandarmi. Si tratta del decreto No. Quali erano i criteri di selezione dei lettori? Tra le condizioni di reclutamento, esposte nel decreto, ma anticipate dal progetto di regolamento17, si nota la competenza scientifica, la conoscenza della lingua, la cultura generale ecc. Una circolare del febbraio rendeva nota la disposizione del ministro della Propaganda Nazionale Al.