Further, they benefitted from the listlessness of the Japanese network, largely caused by the preponderance of merchants from the Ryukyu islands 25 and by the interruption of official commerce between China and Japan. Hence, an unrestrained interest in commerce with Japan perforce followed the inaugural voyage. In , the Spaniard Pero Diez "left Patane in a Chinese junk" bound for Japan, where he encountered five Chinese junks with Portuguese from the colony of Patane aboard, and others who came from the Ryukyu islands.
Thanks to the writings of the Jesuits, we are now able to discuss their activities. Furthermore, the voyages of private individuals to Japan were not "punished" by the Crown. In spite of having opted to concentrate men and resources in the East to the detriment of North Africa, it was the East of spices and Turks that interested him and not the Far East, where his policies did not reach the exuberant heights of the Manueline period. Cambay and the Moluccas certainly meant more to his ears than China or Japan. Martim Afonso de Sousa would invariably partake of the problems of equatorial India, leaving the Far East to private initiative.
The affirmation of central authority in the Far East, then, was not forthcoming from the actions of these two figures. When we speak of the "discoverers" of Japan, we refer not only to those habitually associated with the inaugural voyage. In truth, one ought to include also the names of all those known to have been involved in commerce with Japan between and the early years of the following decade.
In the majority of cases, unfortunately, we can get no further than the occasional reference in narrative sources and archival documents. We have no consistent information which would allow a true biographical sketch of any of these men. The family trees are of no great help. The same can be said for the records of the Royal Chancery. Also, one has to take stock of the existence of an endless number of homonyms, which renders the identification of Portuguese men very problematic. They did not endorse letters to the King or the Governor, they did not answer to any fortress captain, they did not need to organize account books for each occasion they set out on a commercial voyage.
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Because of this, we lack written traces of their activities. The fact is, archives "are records or symbols of authority". Naturally, his affiliation with the Society of Jesus assisted in making his movements better known. What affinities can be established among these men? An extraordinary grasp of the various maritime trade routes of the Far East appears to be one of the common denominators. By the same token, one may perceive the existence of close relations between some of them. However, what further conclusions can we draw? In the first place, one notes close bonds between merchants and missionaries.
Exactly the same situation occurred in other times and places. Traders and missionaries looked to each other for assistance. If we want to familiarize ourselves with the activities of Portuguese private individuals in the Bay of Bengal we must turn, in a notable percentage of cases, to the testimonies of the missionaries.
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Secondly, the term 'adventurer' is not necessarily a synonym for 'man of low standing'. Among the leading figures of the early voyages to Japan we come across people of 'quality'. The same was true of China: many of the Portuguese merchants seeking a place in the very profitable commerce in Canton in those years were noblemen.
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Mateus de Brito and Galiote Pereira are only two such examples. There is nothing surprising about this phenomenon if we bear in mind what was said in the first section of this study.
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Thirdly, another feature which unites these men is their lucid, rapid comprehension of the new realities around them. As in other cases, these "men of Japan" had a penchant for observing and describing, a writing down their impressions.
In an earlier study dedicated to a Portuguese figure who moved in other geographic regions, I tried to demonstrate how in that period the choice of ambassador did not necessarily conform to the criteria for "quality". Rather than social status, what was important was a knowledge of the local languages, a curiosity for the new, and a flare for relating what was seen. Thus I sought to justify Miguel Ferreira's preference for Alfonso de Albuquerque, a socially low-key figure, as leader of an embassy to Persia. What is certain is that Miguel Ferreira kept a "journal of all that had happened until turning the Straits of Hormuz" and years later he would draft an inquiry about the tomb of Saint Thomas, commissioned by Nuno da Cunha.
Were they not all written by "men of the country" captive more often than not, but who nonetheless continue describing and mediating? The same phenomenon occurs with the first texts on Japan. Was it not this, hand in hand in with the actual "discovery", that constituted the adventurers' major contribution to Western Europe's knowledge of Japan the real Japan, not that of Marco Polo or Christopher Columbus? By the early s, only a few years after the inaugural voyage, the panorama alters significantly. In the first place, one has to consider the interests of the Church, well illustrated by Francisco Xavier's presence on the archipelago between and Henceforth, the Cross would cement in good measure the relations between the Portuguese and the Japanese.
Even if, in the early stages the missionaries depended heavily on the influence of the merchants, within a few years the relationship would invert itself altogether: it was to the missionaries, who were permanently resident in Japan, that the seasonal merchants resorted.
Buy for others
Granted, the first years of monopoly may have been faltering ones, but commerce was rapidly institutionalized with the foundation of Macau and Nagasaki In , the Spanish had clear aspirations to carve out for themselves a place in the China and Ryukyu trade. The Spanish call these islands the Silver Islands. And the Portuguese I encountered in Japan told me that the Castilians who depart from New Spain for Malacca pass very close to these islands; and if some of these Castilians who leave New Spain to discover these islands lose themselves on the voyage, the Japanese say it is because in those regions through which the Spanish pass to reach Japan there are many reefs in the sea and there they go astray.
Whether or not it was out of fear of Castilian competition, the fact remains that, by the end of the s, the central authority awoke to the importance of Japan and China. Lastly, one must speak in some detail of Macau and its role in relations with Japan. Landeiro, by contrast, was already a fullyfledged magnate: one has only to recall the diversity of his interests, which ranged from a place in Canton commerce, to a privileged position in trade with Japan, the Moluccas and the Philippines.
This is the image given by the excerpt from Teppo-Ki Book of the Gun that I cited in opening this article: the Portuguese are men who "barter what they have for what they do not have". Japan, lying between China and the Americas, in a map dating from the time of the first contacts. Where once in an ephemeral earlier period they had at least been shared with the adventurers, diplomatic contacts were rapidly monopolized by missionaries and the magnates of Macau.
Thus the first incarnation of "Portuguese Japan" was consummated. Japan at the time of the last European contacts before the isolation of the country. Given this background, what difference does it make who were the first Portuguese to arrive in Japan?
Did they not all belong to a single category of men, alongside a handful of others who have been discussed above? Did they not all encounter a Japan as yet free from the watchful eye of institutionalized powers? The article was subsequently included in Orientalia Rome-Lisbon, , pp. Haas, S. Purchas, J. Murdoch, D.
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- Father Where Art Thou? (Francines Adventure Book 1).
Osborne, I. III, Oporto, , pp. Jorge M. Here it is worth remembering the subversive activities of de Albuquerque's opponents, carried out in Cochim Cf. Roderich Ptak, Stuttgart, , pp. Essays in the Social History of Portuguese Asia, , eds.
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Subrahmanyan in print. Thomaz, Voyage dans les deltas, pp. Cartas, II, p. Regarding this expedition, see inter alia, Jorge M.
Arquitetura de catedrais e grandes igrejas
I, pp. Dos feitos que os Portugueses fizeram no descobrimento, e conquista dos mares, e terras do Oriente ed. A compilation of some relevant materials, Macau, Costa, ibid. Dos feitos que os Portugueses fizeram no descobrimento, e conquista dos mares, e terras do Oriente and J. Adolfo Casais Monteiro, republished, Lisbon, , chap. Father Francisco de Sousa reconciles the two versions: "the names of these shipwrecked discoverers were Antonio da Mota, Francisco Zeymoto and Antonio Peyxoto. Oriente Conquistado a Jesus Cristo, ed. Lopes de Almeida, Oporto, , P.
IV, D. In the case of Japan, cf. Satish Chandra, New Delhi, , pp. Entre as grandes igrejas protestantes , algumas, como a "Catedral" luterana de Ulm , nunca foram nada disto. Outras, como a Abadia de Westminster , foram abadias ou catedrais no passado. O termo tem origem na palavra cathedra , o "trono do bispo" em latim , ecclesia cathedralis.
Catedral de Cajamarca , Peru. Era ali que os magistrados se sentavam quando a corte estava reunida. Um estrado elevado chamado "bema" passou a ser cada vez mais comum nas grandes igrejas basilicais. Foi a partir deste modelo primitivo que se desenvolveu o formato da cruz latina , predominante nas catedrais e grandes igrejas do cristianismo ocidental. A maioria das catedrais e grandes igrejas tem uma planta baixa cruciforme. Era frequente ainda um grupo de capelas que irradiavam da abside , a cabeceira chevet.
O coro normando da Catedral de Peterborough , na Inglaterra. Os bancos do coro, a grade e o atril. Um coro praticando na Catedral de Norwich , Inglaterra. Do lado oeste da nave, perto da contra-fachada, fica geralmente a fonte onde se realiza o ritual do Batismo. Ela fica perto da porta por que o Batismo simboliza a entrada de um novo membro para a comunidade dos fieis.