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Tong King Sing, to whom they explained the extreme danger which Coolies would incur of becoming mere Slaves in the coffee plantations of Brazil. Tong King Sing, who seemed to know very little about Slavery in that empire, listened with marked attention to the representations and suggestions of the deputation, and promised emphatically that unless he could obtain material guarantees for the protection of Chinamen in Brazil, the scheme proposed for introducing Coolie labour into that country should not receive his.

In addition, the Reporter also took advantage to praise the US editors of the Carioca periodical, which courageously took a position against the immigration of Chinese laborers, and republished a passage from The Rio News , which criticized Tong King Sing:. It is not to be supposed that the manager of a steamship company, which has no other object in view than the making of a profitable contract, will be troubled with any great scruples about the character of the servitude before his people, but at the same time it is quite possible that when he is made fully acquainted with all the certainties and probabilities which this enterprise has in store, he may feel called upon to redeem his promise to the British Anti-Slavery Society [sic] not to be the instrument of leading his countrymen into a miserable and helpless servitude.

In December, the Reporter unusually decided to tell its readers that it had a debt of gratitude to a gentleman who lived in Rio de Janeiro who was providing detailed information about the scheme to introduce Chinese laborers to Brazil. Obviously, the name of this gentleman was not mentioned. Although the Reporter never revealed the identity of its informant, research in the BFASS archives, kept in Oxford, revealed that it was an English man called Valentine Walbran Chapman, who was probably an employee of the English Bank of Rio de Janeiro, according to the headed paper used in one of his letters.

In the same report, the Reporter also stated that its informant had provided assistance to Tong King Sing when he had visited Rio de Janeiro. In addition, it published a letter which Charles H. This gentleman [Tong King Sing] returned from Rio on 4 th inst. He then stated that the scheme had fallen through, and that I was at liberty to inform your lordship of what has occurred. Tong King Sing stated that, to his surprise, he found that the large subsidy which was to he paid to his Steam Navigation Company was not payable by the Brazil Government, but by the planters.

This passage is primordial to understand the failure of the scheme. Undeniably, Tong King Sing was interested in his company participating in the transport of Chinese immigrants to Brazil. However, when the British - BFASS and the Foreign Office - came to pressurize him, demanding that he investigate the conditions under which his countrymen worked, he rapidly perceived that the Brazilians would force the Chinese to work in a regime very similar to that of African slaves. This was even clearer when he found out that the plantation owners - and not the Brazilian government - were to be responsible for the costs of transporting the Chinese, and that the latter would be obliged to repay the plantation owners the money invested until then in the cost of their transport.

If the Brazilian government had financed the entire cost of transport, or at least part of it, there would have been an expectation that Chinese workers could negotiate with plantation owners in a minimally satisfactorily manner about their working conditions and, eventually, their return to their native land.

However, since the plantation owners were solely responsible for funding the transport from China to Brazil, the coolies would be irremediably tied to them even much after the latter had cleared their debts. Given this situation, the managing director of the Chinese company clearly perceived the problems which he would have to face later. He had been warned and pressurized both by BFASS and the Foreign Office and knew that any more decided involvement of the British government in this question, based on the allegation that the coolies were being enslaved in Brazil, could cause him considerable harm.

In fact, BFASS had already announced in the Reporter , in , that the Brazilians had discovered that there was no possibility of obtaining coolies from British ports in China. On their part, the Brazilian mission also informed the Minister of Foreign Affairs that in the port of Macau, the Chinese authorities had been influenced by the English and imposed at the last minute embargoes which prevented the departure of a ship full of immigrants.

In the same issue a note from The Rio News was warmly reproduced announcing the closing of a Brazil company which had been created in for the introduction of Chinese in Brazil:. This step, it is explained is due to the failure of the negotiation with the China Merchants Co. After this report, the Reporter only returned to the subject of the coming of Chinese laborers once more, in March , when it reproduced a text from the London and China Telegraph , which praised BFASS for having called the attention of Tong King Sing to the dangers to which the Chinese brought to Brazil would be submitted.

In the specific case of Chinese immigration to Brazil, there is no known proof that the British abolitionists had acted with second intentions, in other words, that they had left their anti-slavery zeal in the background with the aim of favoring the foreign policy of the British state. It was created in London in , with the aim of internationalizing the British anti-slavery movement. In its Statutes Brazil already figured as one of the principal places to which it had to give its attention.

Some, led by Thomas Fowell Buxton, and congregated in the Society for the Extinction of the Slave Trade and for the Civilization of Africa, thought that the focus of the anti-slavery struggle should be the slave trade and for this reason they believed that the best alternative would be to discourage Africans from selling their contemporaries. Other abolitionists, such as the followers of Joseph Sturge, the founder of BFASS, believed that attention should be concentrated on slavery itself; only with the extinction of demand would the offer of slaves be eliminated.

As Buxton himself recognized, the two diverging groups were not rivals: they complemented each other Huzzey, , p. The entity organized by Buxton, although it had grandiose projects, had a relatively ephemeral life and came to an end in ; in turn, BFASS, although it has changed name, still exists and is considered the oldest institution in defense of human rights Temperley, ; Temperley, ; Huzzey, ; Heartfield, Since its foundation in , until the formal ending of Brazilian slavery in , BFASS continually paid enormous attention to Brazil.

The first proof of this was the secret mission it organized to Brazil at the end of , with the aim of collecting information about slavery and the Brazilian slave trade, as well as encouraging anti-slavery feeling. Moreover, throughout this period, the BFASS Committee, responsible for defining its guidelines for action, sent Addresses to the Emperor, to the members of the imperial family, and to the Brazilian government, calling for the adoption of measures against slavery Bethell; Carvalho, ; Rocha, Involvement in all these events indicates that Brazil was a country in which BFASS acted strongly during the nineteenth century.

The fight against the introduction of Chinese laborers to Brazil was another of these episodes. On the other hand, since its foundation, BFASS also became known for criticizing and fighting against the hired work of Indian and Chinese coolies in the Caribbean and other regions, both within and outside the British Empire. However, while in previous decades BFASS used moral and prejudicial arguments to criticize the bringing of these workers, even condemning them for supposed sexual practices and vices, in the Brazilian case the institution did not present a single argument other than the question of slavery.

In their condemnation neither moral nor racial questions were raised. However, where it was possible to investigate, only Gilberto Freyre has pointed to the relevance of BFASS in the failure of the attempt to bring Chinese laborers to Brazil. Certainly, for a series of reasons, principally racial ones, a representative part of Brazilian public opinion positioned itself against the introduction of Chinese immigrants, as was clear in the Agricultural Congress, held in Rio de Janeiro.

The interventions of Joaquim Nabuco and other representatives in Parliament and discussion in the press also went along this path.

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However, even against strong opposition, the Brazilian government sent a mission to China to negotiate the introduction of these immigrants to Brazil, something which was successful until the refusal of Tong King Sing. Although other elements contributed to the frustration of the scheme to bring Chinese laborers to Brazil, the role played by the BFASS abolitionists has to be acknowledged. The principal aim of this article has been to highlight this.

According to the Cambridge dictionary, scheme refers to an officially organized plan with devious objectives. Third Edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, O Brasil pitoresco, vol. Rio de Janeiro: Typographia Universal de E. Laemmert, , p. However, the term came to be used by Europeans to designate Chinese immigrants, calling the Chinese coolies. A crise da lavoura. Trabalhadores asiaticos. A China e os chins.

Os chins do Tetartos. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. In , when parliamentary debates about abolition began again, it was under the direction of O. James and Andrew Jackson Lamoureux. In relation to the formal proposal by Tong King Sing, director of the shipping company, to the Brazilian delegation in China, see: Annex 1 of Letter Jan. Rhodes House Library, Oxford. Walbran Chapman to Charles H. Allen, Mar. London: Johnston and Barret, []. Balas de estalo.

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Obra completa. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Aguilar, Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, International Migration Review , vol. O Visconde de Sinimbu. Momentos decisivos. A history. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Comment hesiter a partir quand un ami vous ecrit: 'Venez! L'avion de la compagnie Air-Orient, qui va desormais assurer le service de France en Indochine, quittera Marignane le 31 decembre. Si le coeur vous en dit, il vous ramenera par le meme chemin. Et le 25 janvier, a midi, vous serez de retour a Marseille.

Ten days to get there, the same for the return, nothing! Today, a few hours separate departure from arrival, an insignificant flight by jet which leaves no mark on either body or mind, time easily passed watching a film with headphones, whereas for decades the European's view of the Far East was influenced by this slow preliminary approach.

It is no doubt this which brings the exotic colouring to and idealizes 'La langoureuse Asie'. I use here only the poet's powerful and limiting description. Asia is dreamed about as much as lived in, as can be observed today in recent titles which arouse a new interest in this Orient: Orients extremes, Rever l'Asie or Indochine, un reve d'Asie.

Asia is read about but also keenly studied. Learned societies, associations, periodicals and different movements demonstrate their interest in this civilization 5 very early on, as much in France as in Indochina, to such an extent that in there is reference to 'ce grand mouvement d'etudes orientales, signale par des recherches et des reconstitutions d'archives et de bibliotheques a la faveur desquelles prend naissance un nouvel humanisme'. An unknown error has occurred. Please click the button below to reload the page. Hamburg, Germany.

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