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Manual Die Pädagogik der Kinder- und Jugendarbeit (German Edition)

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Ramey Rieger. This para describes what they mean by the term, but I'm struggling to put it so concisely in English. Local time: Explanation: This is how I understand it. It is good to see educational institutions opening up to the concept of individual needs and personal approaches to learning. Though the term itself is new to me, the concept has been practiced in Free Schools for over 30 years. David Hollywood. Holocaust education from a multi-cultural perspective. Helen Shiner. Johanna Timm, PhD. Ramey Rieger Germany.

Usch Pilz. Peer comments on this answer and responses from the answerer neutral. Helen Shiner : That matches my reference posts. Yes, the concept is nothing new. Hope you're well. Login to enter a peer comment or grade. Peer comments on this answer and responses from the answerer agree. This also applies to the use of technology, which becomes important during the phase of media production.

Good practices

The possibility of helping to shape the barcamp through their own sessions, workshops and discussion groups promotes the autonomy of young people. The barcamp offers them a space to put their own ideas into practice, to exchange ideas and to network with other people.

Sie bringen sich aktiv ein, indem sie ihr Wissen, ihre Ideen und Erfahrungen mit anderen Jugendlichen teilen. Das barcamp bietet ihnen einen Raum, eigene Ideen umzusetzen, sich auszutauschen und sich mit anderen Menschen zu vernetzen. Die Clips sollen dabei weder belehrend noch mit erhobenem Zeigefinger daherkommen.

Ziel des Projektes ist es, den neu Ankommenden mit den Online-Videos erste Tipps mit auf dem Weg zu geben, hier besser anzukommen. By developing a group chat function we could network GSAs in schools across the country allowing young people in these areas to connect with the wider young LGBTI school community. They are able to chat to each other and our team while working on a digital mini-project such as creating posters for their GSA. All sessions aim to connect young people across the GSA groups, allow them to learn new digital skills using online tools and share their learning with each other.

This stage has a greater focus on the practical delivery of policies and their recommendations and puts young people in the lead in not only the development of ideas, but also their realisation and implementation. The clips should neither be instructive nor pointing fingers. The aim of the project is to provide new arrivals with initial tips on basal questions. The main aim is to show young people the possibilities of coping with everyday life and opportunities for participation in society. The project is designed in such a way that the young people who produce the welcome clips are actively involved at all levels.

They are significantly involved in the selection of topics as well as in the realization of the clips. This guarantees that the topics are very close to the needs of the refugees arriving in Munich. Bezirk in Wien verstecken. The description of scenes, milieus, cultures or small "life-worlds" becomes the predominant task of sociological ethnography. It has the task "to render that, what people do for other people who do not do it, more comprehensible and understandable, or rather to deliver an insight or give an impression of more or less foreign worlds for non-members—in foreign worlds that by no means have to be in spatial distance, but can also be in immediate vicinity HITZLER a, p.

The probably most well-known examples of such foreign "cultures just around the corner" can be found in youth research that flourished for a number of reasons in the last few years cp. The reactions of "normal adults" range from a simple lack of understanding and plain ignorance to mostly embarrassing attempts of imitating juvenile lifestyles. At this point the matter is not an evaluation of such receptions, but a clarification what could be meant by a "potential of strangeness" of the own culture.

Parents bearing misery know what has been described, passers-by in the pedestrian area dominated by skaters know it as well. In order that an ethnography of social science can meet these demands, it needs specific devices to acquire and decode strangeness and—as will be shown later on—even more important an explicit self-conception. If you turn towards methodological and methodical aspects of ethnography, you will easily get into trouble, especially if you want to work out the differences in qualitative social research, which also came to the fore in the last two decades.

According to the considerations made so far and the—although only adumbrated—cross references to phenomenological and hermeneutic origins, this is hardly astonishing. Problems occur, however, while defining the peculiarities and particular characteristics. Thus HITZLER points out that "ethnographers use as a matter of principle the whole arsenal of methods of empirical social research," whereby a preference for non-standard methods is also predominant cp.


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There are obviously methods within ethnographic research, however, no specific ethnographic methods. Thus it does not make sense to propagate an artificial autonomy of sociological ethnography on a methodical level. Ethnographic approaches in the field of social sciences, with their general concern to reconstruct the "sense" of social realities cp. With the concern of questioning reflexively as well as systematically the "how" of the process of understanding 5 , ethnography holds its predetermined course and documents with it merely its claim to be accepted as a "normal science".

But where does the "differentia specifica" of the sociological ethnography lie?


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To meet this challenge, ethnographic methods place special emphasis on particular characteristics of the attitude towards research:. The first thing to be mentioned here is the attempt of adopting a perspective, which already played a decisive role for the development of a modern ethnology. The attempt to understand a culture "from the inside" can best be described with the image to see the world "through somebody else's eyes", although in reality this cannot be done entirely, because one can not replace the other or the strange completely.

This basic principle has to be understood as a kind of regulative idea that has to be recovered reflexively, in order to complicate systematically any forms of rash seizing of the foreign world. Permanently establishing a systematic attitude towards strangeness and a continuous " Befremden of the own culture" serves as a means of choice cp. Since we feel naturally at home in our own culture, the " Befremden " does have a particular importance especially for the researcher of assumed life-worlds.

To meet the demand of a description as broad as possible, the ethnographer has to refrain from evaluations, i. Thus, on the one hand doubts have to be integrated systematically in the process of understanding, "doubts about the interpreter's prejudices, doubts about subsumptive certainties in everyday life and science, and finally doubts about reductionist explanations" HITZLER a, p. On the other hand—and this should also be mentioned in particular—social science ethnographers expect a partial amorality, which is displayed by a neutral attitude towards procedures and practices within the field of research.

If you want to understand the "unknown", you have to abstain from moral considerations that arose from your own set of values. If you want to consult ethnography in order to prove your own prejudices scientifically, you have completely misunderstood the principle of ethnographic understanding. At the same time, especially the meticulous ethnographic descriptions can obviously be misused for exactly that purpose. At least in recent ethnography, to get as close as possible to the ideal of an "inner" understanding of foreign worlds, the principle of a temporal membership in the field of research is considered to be indispensable.

Stepping into the field, an observing participation or even more demanding an "existential engagement", is therefore one of the indispensable prerequisites of sociological ethnography. Understanding from the inside can only be "gained, if one also gets involved with a topic existentially, if one 'treats' the topic practically for at least a certain time. For the practice of research this means that it is best to try to 'become like one The intensity of participation can vary to a great extent, according to the duration as well as the "existential engagement".

As a general rule, an intimate familiarity with the field "being there" will be regarded as an attribute of quality in ethnographic studies cp. The principle of participation can be presented incompletely, if the counterpart, i. Only the interplay of temporal existential participation and temporal reflexive alienation leads to that potential of benefiting from insights, which can render ethnographic studies that are useful.

The problem of "going native" or of " Verkaffern ", when alienation does not work, is well-known to ethnographers and leads to a final aspect of ethnographical method. The ethnographer is basically interested in descriptions, he or she participates actively in the life of the field, however, he does not want to alter, to do missionary work or "to improve" the field of research.

This—you might say—"lack of interest" while dealing with bare description of foreign life-worlds has again and again held critically before ethnographers 7. Taking together these different aspects of sociological ethnography, a specific form can be identified, that makes it plausible to speak of an innate "research programme" cp. All in all, this programme is to a greater extent based on an attitude towards research than on a canon of own methods 8.

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The acceptance and the necessity of an ethnographic perception in the light of the special features of complexly structured modern societies should be beyond dispute, the more so as sociological ethnography does not raise the claim to possess a passe-partout for a solution for all social problems.

If you now turn, after all these general considerations, to the domain of sport and sport science, two aspects initially catch your eye: on the one hand an extensive abstinence of ethnographic approaches in the research of sport science, and on the other hand a predestination of the social domain of sport for ethnographic considerations 9. If you first of all ask for possible reasons for this abstinence, you will generally have to rely on assumptions. Without doubt, ethnographic approaches are right from the beginning only useful for some disciplines of sport science.

In this context one can think of sport sociology, psychology and pedagogy, which at least own something like an affinity in principle.


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  • But for every of these candidates problems arise again: sport sociology as the first candidate has only very limited personnel resources and additionally in the scope of this limited personnel, representatives of a tradition of qualitative social research in a broader sense are exceptions. Something similar applies for sport psychology. It is true it holds slightly greater resources, but it also has a tradition of research that is orientated to more standardised methods.

    Moreover, the closeness to ethnography is also an exception in general psychology. What remains is sport pedagogy, which is by far the strongest discipline of sport science concerning personnel. Here, firstly, a traditional orientation towards problems of physical education can be noticed, which leads to a restriction of research areas.

    Secondly in the past, empirical research of realities of sport did not belong to the core of a sport pedagogical self-image. Thirdly, because of its divided self-conception as a "practical science" sport pedagogy concentrates on an alteration of existing realities employing certain normative guidelines. A demand that seems not to be compatible with the ethnographic self-image that has been described. This rather disillusioning balance is admittedly in opposition to a noticeable trend to a more frequent use of qualitative methods within the mentioned disciplines of sport science. This provides at least some starting points for a continuing engagement with possible connections of sport science and ethnography.

    Another potential link seems to be the topic "sport". The predestination of the phenomenon sport mentioned above results from the dynamic development which "the" sport has passed through in the last few decades, and probably will pass through in the future. An only perfunctory look suffices in order to realise that the originally monolithically constructed sport increasingly adapts traits and a differentiation towards more and more part-worlds. New groups of addressees, new allocation of meaning, the combination of already existing patterns to new, patchwork-like models of doing sports lead to a diversification of the originally rather manageable and simple-structured world of sport.

    Like in the past, it can not be taken for granted any more, that talking about sport does automatically mean talking about competition oriented forms of club sports. If you talk about sport today, you can either mean this more or less "traditional sport" or you can also mean one of the numerous other "loose connections" of movement, body experiences and life-styles, that are present in our society. The result is—like in many other domains of social life as well—an increasing complexity and ignorance. Admittedly, this is in turn a good starting point for ethnographic research: questioning the so self-evident world of the too familiar sport about something unusual, astonishing and marvellous as well as the opening of new or "foreign" worlds of movement in order to make them comprehensible for all those who do not participate directly in these worlds, offer a virtually ideal field of activity for potential ethnographers in sport science.

    There is little that is more beneficial for a reflexive sport science than a preferably differentiated knowledge of its subject-matters and fields of phenomena. Thus the opportunity and also the signification of ethnographic research within sport science seems to be evident, but at the same time, the conclusion of an actual marginality of this approach in the field of sport keeps also its validity. If you have a closer look at the current situation, you will also find indications towards inquiries, that can perhaps be labelled with the term "implicit" ethnographic perspectives.

    These will be specified more precisely now. If you try to systematise existing approaches of ethnographic considerations of sport life-worlds, you will in a first access find two clearly distinguishable starting points. On the one hand there is the possibility to investigate the fields of phenomena of sport life-worlds from a position outside the sport.

    Although this perspective does not seem unusual, it should nevertheless be emphasised that other ethnographically relevant sciences have a lot of difficulties in picking out sport as a central theme, because sport can be considered as a social phenomenon that is widespread and also has an obviously increasing relevance. However, these rather sporadic accesses can also give a fresh impetus to a sport scientific discussion and can open up subsequent offers, so that at this point a cursory treatment seems to be sensible. In the scope of sociology 10 , however, mostly very indirect considerations of movement, sport and body take place, especially in the domain of youth research, because with a qualitative oriented presentation of the so-called "youth cultures" these topics come to the fore automatically cp.

    Here the techno-scene can be regarded as an illustrative example cp.

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    Now, the question can of course be raised, if and in how far an ethnographic analysis of the techno culture can be connected with the phenomenon sport. But here exactly lies the attraction of a comparison of sportive life worlds and current life worlds of young people, who celebrate a differently structured combination of movement and corporeality. For sport scientists the reason for this " Befremden " can be the insight that the actual arrangement of the combination of youth—movement—corporeality must no longer necessarily lead to models of traditional sport.

    Detailed descriptions of life worlds, scenes or cultures in question that can frequently be found, do sometimes also bear explicit ethnographic traits e. The reason is simply that ethnographically oriented social scientists examine a moving field of phenomena of youth culture with their genuine instruments.

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    The studies about life worlds of body-builders that were presented by HONER are also genuinely oriented towards social science, but aligned more directly to the phenomenon sport cp. Here again it is not a genuine sport orientated, but a sociological point of view that focuses on a "system of meanings", which can also be found in sportive contexts, i. Traditional sportsmen or sport scientists may of course put a question mark over such an assessment, but HONER tries to make clear her own intention: "Though body-building is neither an Olympic discipline, nor are body-building associations so far members of the German Sport Association.

    However, this seems anyway not to be a mandatory criterion of defining the phenomenon sport. I find it more relevant that all body-builders describe themselves as athletes, or at least also as athletes" , p. This self-interpretation of the people involved leads to a confrontation with the "system of meanings" of sport, which may provoke astonishment, Befremden and maybe even disaffirmation by others. Yet this can only happen against the background of an ethnographic description. HONER's works about body-building are, as far as I know, the only studies that attempted to link up with the world of sport with an explicitly stated ethnographic demand Besides sociology, pedagogy also has a "strange" view on sport, although I think there is a crucial difference that seems to be rooted to a pedagogic programme.

    The considerations of H. RUMPF provide good examples cp. Due to his pedagogically justified concern to vote against modern rooted "mechanistic images of humans and bodies", RUMPF tries to describe the life-world of an institute of sport science and the people acting there ibid. Because of his perspective as a sport scientist RUMPF presents a "strange view"-portrayals of athletes who likewise reduce themselves to mechanic bodies.

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    What is interesting about this kind of presentation is the unusual perspective, that provides differentiated descriptions of sequences of movement. RUMPF does not explicitly label his own procedure as ethnographic, but still a distinct proximity is obvious. His ethnographic concern can be seen by referring to the phenomenological method and choosing "With a strange view" as the title of his reader. However, there are obvious deviations, because RUMPF takes an unequivocal stand and evaluates his descriptions. An ethnographic description is interwoven with a pedagogic evaluation, that does not endorse a "reduction" of the human body to a "mechanic corpus" in the scope of sportive activity.

    This of course touches a problem of pedagogic ethnography which will crop up again at a later stage. Here we can find the attempt to discuss the phenomenon sport from a pedagogical and ethnographical perspective, while fading out the perspective of sport science. Sociology as well as pedagogy takes a closer look at the "strange" domain of the phenomenon sport that have been presented as examples.

    Thus for a comparative analysis they open up "new" perspectives, because they generally operated from a different angle—one that can not be found in sport science. A different situation again occurs if sport science attempts to alienate its genuine domain of the phenomenon sport to some extend artificially. In a narrow sense this involves what can be meant by "alienation from the own culture" cp. For many sport scientists a culture is "own" insofar as they as a rule pass through very intensive processes of socialisation, which can lead to a high degree of occupation This lack of distance can not at last be quoted as a further argument for an inner establishment of an ethnographic disposition in sport science.

    Also for this perspective some initial approaches will be presented briefly. Similar to the already mentioned generally sociological approaches, also SCHWIER's analyses aim at the presentation of scenes of youth culture, where the emphasis understandably lies on sportive youth scenes e. Such strategies are especially complemented by body emphasising scenes, like the movement of ravers for example.

    The interest of sport science in these new movement oriented youth scenes lies primarily in their novelty and, referring to traditional sport, their dissociation from sport. Insofar it is surely not mistaken to interpret these scenes in a sense of " sport distant"—but interestingly also movement and body related—worlds.

    SCHWIER pays attention that his presentations are not left without theories, but he wants to attach certain frames to them on the basis of background theories. Although both theories are certainly not directly related to ethnography, their relations are nevertheless conspicuous. Something comparable should be valid for the conception of "Cultural Studies", because on the one hand they constantly reappear in the self-descriptions of sociological ethnography, but on the other hand they lay claim to a theoretical independence cp.

    Without doubt an orientation to qualitative research methodology can be stated cp. The proximity to the "Grounded Theory" in the style of GLASER and STRAUSS leads him to the point that his examinations of interesting objects "are not a priori limited by the initial formulation of questions, but that they are focussed on having the behaviour pattern of play and movement for an adequate and only slightly dissociated theme and on the individual experiences in their concrete relationship towards social reality" , pp. After comprehending in most cases the inspiring and interesting interpretations of his analyses, it is still difficult to deduce what relative importance his different methodological approaches, theoretical embedding and own attitudes have exactly for interpretative work cp.

    In terms of the interpretations supported so far, with regard to SCHWIER's approach, implicit ethnographical elements can definitely be found. This is also valid for newer analyses that deal with—according to the perspective—a somehow or completely different field, the high performance sport with children and young people.

    Again this involves a kind of children or youth culture, or even not, if you for example take into account, that this field is basically structured by adults. Especially in the discussion of sport pedagogy, this field has been the topic of vehement controversies again and again, because the normative sport pedagogical conception of a successful childhood and adolescence did not seem to be compatible with the demands of high-performance sport for young talents. In retrospect, especially the lack of a systematic revelation of the whole field in these early discussions appears to be conspicuous.

    The irrefutable fact of loosing the childhood was considered as self-evident by one side, while the other side praised the character-forming effects of exercising on the bars. By now a number of in most cases qualitative studies have been presented in order to fill that empirical gap.