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Gotta say, the video's pretty damning, although it's hard to tell who's the aggressor. Tony later posted the video himself, but added the caption, "I can't believe this Thirsty girl used my dog to gain followers.

Heap, Sue 1954–

Tony is suing Deyana for fraud and infliction of emotional distress on Tony, not Hef. Got a tip? TMZ Live. TMZ Sports. See Her Hottest Shots! Dog the Bounty Hunter Remembers Beth She is the author of Dreamhouse, Lifestory, Pencilwood and The True Picture , as well as academic articles, poetry and plays. She lives in an old church on the Isle of Wight and commutes to work by hovercraft. See her writing at www. Christine Hammacott is a novel writer and graphic designer who started her career as a book designer for a publishing company.

She has seen a lot of negative changes in the industry, but has become excited by the opportunities indie publishing now has to offer. Along with two writing colleagues, she set up a co-operative, called Pentangle Press, to self-published their novels. Doug Hamilton was a staff writer for the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, the largest daily newspaper in the southern U. He wrote extensively on travel, music, movies, and cultural events.

Doug has also written for various music and entertainment magazines. He grew up on Hayling Island, and has gigged and busked all round the Portsmouth area for years. Find out more about Mark over at www. He has written dozens of academic articles and several books about literature, politics, film and television, focusing on the subjects of mental illness and military conflict.

He is currently writing a book for Bloomsbury Press about the representation of the Bosnian war in cinema and television. Tom Harris is a writer of Middle Grade MG and Young Adult fiction whose tales of adventure and fantasy are always laced with a twist of humour and bathed in light and shade. Look out for news on his forthcoming YA steampunk-inspired novel The Sweep, coming soon in Pauline Hawkesworth has written poetry since leaving school. Another collection is due this year. High imagery and surrealism prioritise her work.

Rick Haynes was born in London and thoroughly enjoyed himself in the swinging sixties. After so many operations to rectify 37 years of playing football, the walls closed in and he took up writing. Rick has also published two collections of short stories and a collection of zany tales entitled Chocolate Chunks From Crazy Crete. He is currently working on a medieval novel entitled Outcast , to be published in , his zest for writing continues. His website is here. Phoebe Hedges is a freelance writer and aspiring poet, currently working as a contemporary romance ghostwriter in between her studies at the University of Portsmouth.

After graduating she started her teaching career as a Primary school teacher in East London; fortunate to have been in an inner city area with opportunities to engage with new teaching approaches, social mobility projects and then radical approaches to teacher training. In she moved back to her home town of Portsmouth to take up a Senior Lecturer post at the University of Portsmouth teaching on a Foundation Degree in Learning Support. After 4 years she led on the writing of the BA in Childhood and Youth Studies and this ironically inspired her to leave and return to study herself so she took 2 years out to do an MA in the Philosophy of Education.

This led to becoming a city councillor for Central Southsea ward and the Education spokesperson for the Liberal Democrats. Catherine Jackson is based in Hampshire and had been visiting Portsmouth for events as long as she can remember. He has performed at events such as Southsea Fest Margaret Jennings earned an MA in creative writing at the University of Chichester in and reads widely at poetry events.

A published short story writer and poet, she is currently working on her second novel Ten Tricks. Margaret was longlisted for the Bare Fiction Literary short story prize Scott has over ten years experience working in the fields of homelessness, substance misuse and youth work across the city of Portsmouth. Chris Kennett has been campaigning for a better world for 20 years. Together with other friends he set up the Portsmouth arm of Positive Money and has been running events about the monetary system for a number of years.

Annie Kirby is a writer. She blogs about childlessness at www. Judith Langridge studies English Literature at the University of Portsmouth, and enjoys engaging with and commenting on local events and politics, as well as asking herself big questions about life and philosophy.

He is living proof it is never too late. Joe Larkin is a member of the Socialist Party in Portsmouth. An active trade unionist, Joe has been involved in the community led anti-austerity campaign Portsmouth Against The Cuts Together and an organiser for the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition. For more information about the Socialist Party in Portsmouth visit this page. Helen Larham is a poet living and working in Portsmouth: contributing to poetry magazines, taking part in poetry workshops and performing her work at Tongues and Grooves poetry venue.

Helen is always open to new poetic challenges. She is now about to finish her second novel, Payback, which she plans to publish this year. She is passionate about writing, playwriting, acting and directing and runs the wardrobe at Titchfield Festival Theatre. She particularly enjoys performing her own writings and meeting people. She writes at www.

She performed her writing for this project in several venues across the city. Caught in the Web is available on Amazon as a paperback as well as an ebook on Kindle. Follow Zach on Twitter. She is an aspiring journalist who writes on topics such as feminism, travel, politics, animal rights and environmental issues. Francis Lovering is a Chartered Engineer who graduated from Portsmouth Polytechnic in the 70s and subsequently spent his career working on the design of process automation systems for a variety of large manufacturers.

He is semi retired but he still runs his own small company providing software to clients around the world for designing the specialist software that controls the manufacturing of products such as chocolate, baked beans, insulin and chemicals.

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Francis is a proud European and resident of Southsea where he has lived since arriving as a long haired student. Born in Glasgow, Justin MacCormack moved to Portsmouth to study film and media, and has now settled in the city with a collection of pet rats. Daniel Malice is a former University of Portsmouth student and a citizen of Norfolk. He has a unique passion for things that come on discs. Follow him on Twitter.

Initially an Analytical Chemist, who enjoyed a sporadic tinkering with words, he took the plunge into full time writing after a redundancy package fell in his lap. After completing an MA in Creative Writing at the University of Portsmouth in , he penned Stranded Foxes, a collection of inter-linked stories published by Press. Stranded Foxes is his debut novel. He is also a poet and book reviewer. He grew up in Wiltshire and worked as a librarian at Portsmouth University. He is currently secretary of Portsmouth Film Society.

Rikki May is a keen writer on the topics of mental health and wellbeing. Outside of this, his main interests are exercise and mixed martial arts. Dale McEwan is a freelance journalist from Aberdeen. He recently collaborated with Portsmouth journalist Christine Lord for an investigative documentary about vCJD and how families of victims are still fighting for justice.


He has also just completed a documentary he filmed during his travels in Iraqi Kurdistan. Follow Dale on Twitter at dalesmcewan. Piers McEwan is a writer and photographer currently based in Portsmouth where he was also born, on a balmy spring day. Primarily a travel writing enthusiast, Piers has since spread his portfolio to write on a number of topics including personal development, philosophy and observations on day to day life. He is also currently working on a debut coming-of-age novel due for release Piers is a fan of raw, honest and heartfelt art; the kind that could force you to drop a tear or two in an instant.

Before beginning her studies at university she lived in Rome for several months and then went on to backpack around India, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore where she gained inspiration for travel writing and opinion pieces. Stuart Mills has lived in Portsmouth for the last 17 years, spending that time working in community development and then helping start up a new worker co-operative, Wild Thyme Wholefoods.

Laura Mitchell was born and raised in the Oxfordshire countryside. She enjoys running her own blog discussing a variety of subjects that attract her interest. Before moving to Portsmouth she volunteered for almost two years at Hospital Radio Reading, producing and presenting a two-hour weekly broadcast with the team. Though, at present, she has little time for broadcasting and spends a lot of her day hunched over the desk in her student digs typing out assignments. Georgina Monk is a recent graduate of English and Creative Writing at the University of Portsmouth, with a particular interest in journalism and autobiography.

In her third year, she was the Deputy Editor of the student newspaper, The Galleon. Rosy Moorhead is a features writer for Newsquest , covering the arts and entertainment in Hertfordshire, Middlesex and north London. Strongly opinionated but willing to give a voice to the grossly under-represented caring conservatives. Ian is an easy spot around Cosham, he is the great big bloke with his faithful guide dog Gunner, if you see him be nice.

Find out more about Poppy and her work over at her website. Born and raised in Essex, she has a passion for media writing and aims to pursue a career in the media. John Pilger is an award-winning journalist and documentary film-maker. You can read and watch his work at his website and follow him on Twitter. He has lived in all parts of the world, including Eastney and Copnor and is renowned for his one man circumnavigation of Asda. His time is spent these days picking flowers and twiddling his thumbs. Do not feed him after dark, and he is dangerous when wet. Conor Patrick is an American writer living in the heart of Southsea.

His fiction has appeared in literary journals in both the United States and the United Kingdom. His debut collection of short stories, Goodbye Crocodile , was published in As Fiction Co-editor for Star and Crescent, he is looking for sharp, authentic writing and stories he can turn over and over in his palm like a flat, white stone.

From a young age, he always loved playing and watching rugby, and rugby has always been a big passion of his. In his spare time William enjoys playing rugby, running a blog, socializing and reading. John Pearson is a chiropodist, artist, musician and poet born and bred in Portsmouth. With a varied education including electrical engineering, teacher training and psychotherapeutic counselling, he has taught mathematics and numeracy in Portsmouth and Hampshire for more than forty years. His poems have been translated and performed in Romanian and Spanish.

His favourite pastime? Walking the hollow lanes of the South of England or snorkeling off the pristine beaches of Palawan and Camiguin. One day he will pause to update his travel blog. Having become a great fan of the slow journalism of Paul Salopek, he realises that he has to speed up just a tad.

Tom Phillips is a freelance writer and lecturer. Steve Pitt has been a cultural activist in Portsmouth for a number of years, working as a theatre director, music programmer, event organiser, agent and tour manager. He studied earned a degree in Political Studies at Portsmouth Polytechnic. After leaving the venue he helped run for 18 years, The Cellars at Eastney, Steve has returned to his political roots and is currently the Liberal Democrat candidate for Central Southsea Ward, whilst still working part time as a music agent.

Sindy Prankard was born and raised in Portsmouth and currently lives just outside the city in Denmead with four of her six sons. She is a mature student in her second year at Portsmouth University where she is studying Creative Writing and Film Studies. Sindy completed her first novel, a thriller called Every Breath just before she started university and is in the process of sending it out to agents.

She appreciates it is a very tough and competitive field, but if nothing else it helped secure her a place on the degree course which she thoroughly enjoys. Emily Priest lives in Southsea and is working on her novel Metamorphosis. She has worked at Unity and Itchen College radio stations. Her writings have featured in anthologies and in she won a young journalist award. She has also done work in social media and marketing at Trash Arts and Tricorn Books.

She has worked in many places in Portsmouth, including a local senior school as a Dyslexia Intervention Specialist and the Historic Dockyard. Following her school years in Portsmouth she trained as a nurse in London. Her career since then has been in the field of health. After nursing in New York, USA and London, Kathleen went with her husband to Yorkshire where her career progressed to Health Visiting, then subsequently, following teacher training, she became a lecturer in nursing and sociology.

Heap, Sue 1954–

Kathleen is now retired in her home town of Portsmouth after much world travel. She has an article published for The Portsmouth News and will be returning this summer to possibly publish more work. Gareth Rees experiences Southsea as his village, or as a camping place on his greater journey to the Land of Peace of Mind. He gets inklings of that destination when he looks at the crocuses adorning the lawn surrounds of Portsmouth cathedral.

For most African Americans, white people exist either as a direct or an indirect force for bad in their lives. Biraciality is no shield against this; often it just intensifies the problem. What proved key for Barack Obama was not that he was born to a black man and a white woman, but that his white family approved of the union, and approved of the child who came from it. They did this in —a time when sex between black men and white women, in large swaths of the country, was not just illegal but fraught with mortal danger. The first white people he ever knew, the ones who raised him, were decent in a way that very few black people of that era experienced.

And he was like a blue-black brother. And so, yeah, I will always give my grandparents credit for that. In this, the first lady is more representative of black America than her husband is. African Americans typically raise their children to protect themselves against a presumed hostility from white teachers, white police officers, white supervisors, and white co-workers. But that willingness to help is also a defense, produced by decades of discrimination. Obama sees race through a different lens, Kaye Wilson told me.

He needs that frame of reference. He needs that lens. Or Al Sharpton. Different lens. What Obama was able to offer white America is something very few African Americans could—trust. The vast majority of us are, necessarily, too crippled by our defenses to ever consider such a proposition. But Obama, through a mixture of ancestral connections and distance from the poisons of Jim Crow, can credibly and sincerely trust the majority population of this country.

That trust is reinforced, not contradicted, by his blackness. That, too, is defensive, and deep down, I suspect, white people know it. Four days earlier, The Washington Post had published an old audio clip that featured Donald Trump lamenting a failed sexual conquest and exhorting the virtues of sexual assault.

As we flew to North Carolina, the president was in a state of bemused disbelief.

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A feeling of cautious inevitability emanated from his staff, and why not? He had likely not paid taxes in 18 years. He had been denounced by leadership in his own party, and the trickle of prominent Republicans—both in and out of office—who had publicly repudiated him threatened to become a geyser. At this moment, the idea that a campaign so saturated in open bigotry, misogyny, chaos, and possible corruption could win a national election was ludicrous.

This was America. It is a quintessentially Obama program—conservative in scope, with impacts that are measurable. But what are we going to do? They told stories of being in the street, of choosing quick money over school, of their homes being shot up, and—through the help of mentoring or job programs brokered by MBK—transitioning into college or a job. Obama listened solemnly and empathetically to each of them. When he asked the young men whether they had a message he should take back to policy makers in Washington, D. He was correct. The ghettos of America are the direct result of decades of public-policy decisions: the redlining of real-estate zoning maps, the expanded authority given to prosecutors, the increased funding given to prisons.

And all of this was done on the backs of people still reeling from the year legacy of slavery. The results of this negative investment are clear—African Americans rank at the bottom of nearly every major socioeconomic measure in the country. Blacks disproportionately benefit from this effort, since they are disproportionately in need. Its full benefit has yet to be felt by African Americans, because several states in the South have declined to expand Medicaid. Obama also emphasized the need for a strong Justice Department with a deep commitment to nondiscrimination.

And what the [George W. Holder is certainly blunter, and this worried some of the White House staff. But positioning the two men as opposites elides an important fact: Holder was appointed by the president, and went only as far as the president allowed. I asked Holder whether he had toned down his rhetoric after that controversial speech.

He is the Zen guy.

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But he and I share a worldview, you know? Obama would deliver this lecture to any black audience, regardless of context. This part of the Obama formula is the most troubling, and least thought-out. This judgment emerges from my own biography. I am the product of black parents who encouraged me to read, of black teachers who felt my work ethic did not match my potential, of black college professors who taught me intellectual rigor.

And they did this in a world that every day insulted their humanity. It was not so much that the black layabouts and deadbeats Obama invoked in his speeches were unrecognizable. I had seen those people too. If black men were overrepresented among drug dealers and absentee dads of the world, it was directly related to their being underrepresented among the Bernie Madoffs and Kenneth Lays of the world. Power was what mattered, and what characterized the differences between black and white America was not a difference in work ethic, but a system engineered to place one on top of the other.

For instance, the unemployment rate among black college graduates 4. But that college degree is generally purchased at a higher price by blacks than by whites. This is both the result and the perpetuator of a sprawling wealth gap between the races. Obama had been on the record as opposing reparations.

But now, late in his presidency, he seemed more open to the idea—in theory, at least, if not in practice. The political problems with turning the argument for reparations into reality are manifold, Obama said. But the progress toward nondiscrimination did not appear overnight. It was achieved by people willing to make an unpopular argument and live on the frontier of public opinion. Obama is unfailingly optimistic about the empathy and capabilities of the American people. But Obama is almost constitutionally skeptical of those who seek to achieve change outside that consensus.

Early in , Obama invited a group of African American leaders to meet with him at the White House. When some of the activists affiliated with Black Lives Matter refused to attend, Obama began calling them out in speeches. You then have a responsibility to prepare an agenda that is achievable—that can institutionalize the changes you seek—and to engage the other side. Opal Tometi, a Nigerian American community activist who is one of the three founders of Black Lives Matter, explained to me that the group has a more diffuse structure than most civil-rights organizations.

One reason for this is to avoid the cult of personality that has plagued black organizations in the past. Tometi noted that some other activists allied with Black Lives Matter had been planning to attend the meeting, so they felt their views would be represented. When I asked Obama about this perspective, he fluctuated between understanding where the activists were coming from and being hurt by such brush-offs.

And that sort of lack of awareness on the part of an activist about the constraints of our political system and the constraints on this office, I think, sometimes would leave me to mutter under my breath. Very rarely did I lose it publicly. I get that. And I think it is important. Obama himself was an activist and a community organizer, albeit for only two years—but he is not, by temperament, a protester.

He is a consensus-builder; consensus, he believes, ultimately drives what gets done. He understands the emotional power of protest, the need to vent before authority—but that kind of approach does not come naturally to him. Obama saw—at least at that moment, before the election of Donald Trump—a straight path to that world. Now, are we going to have suddenly the same number of CEOs, billionaires, etc.

In 10 years? Probably not, maybe not even in 20 years. I feel pretty good about our odds in that situation. The programs Obama favored would advance white America too—and without a specific commitment to equality, there is no guarantee that the programs would eschew discrimination. My own history tells me something different. The large numbers of black men in jail, for instance, are not just the result of poor policy, but of not seeing those men as human. When President Obama and I had this conversation, the target he was aiming to reach seemed to me to be many generations away, and now—as President-Elect Trump prepares for office—seems even many more generations off.

Obama was also the first sitting president to visit a federal prison. The truth is, it was never safe. Only Obama, a black man who emerged from the best of white America, and thus could sincerely trust white America, could be so certain that he could achieve broad national appeal. In some sense an Obama presidency could never have succeeded along the normal presidential lines; he needed a partner, or partners, in Congress who could put governance above party. But he struggled to win over even some of his own allies.

Ben Nelson, the Democratic senator from Nebraska whom Obama helped elect, became an obstacle to health-care reform. The obstruction grew out of narrow political incentives. Obama is not sure of the degree to which individual racism played into this calculation. But personal animus is just one manifestation of racism; arguably the more profound animosity occurs at the level of interests.

The most recent Congress boasted members from the states that comprised the old Confederacy. Of the Republicans in that group, 96 are white and one is black. Of the 37 Democrats, 18 are black and 15 are white.

There are no white congressional Democrats in the Deep South. Exit polls in Mississippi in found that 96 percent of voters who described themselves as Republicans were white. The Republican Party is not simply the party of whites, but the preferred party of whites who identify their interest as defending the historical privileges of whiteness. The researchers Josh Pasek, Jon A. Krosnick, and Trevor Tompson found that in , 32 percent of Democrats held antiblack views, while 79 percent of Republicans did.

These attitudes could even spill over to white Democratic politicians, because they are seen as representing the party of blacks. And yet he suspected that there might be more to it. Racism greeted Obama in both his primary and general-election campaigns in Photos were circulated of him in Somali garb. A fifth of all West Virginia Democratic-primary voters in openly admitted that race had influenced their vote.

Hillary Clinton trounced him 67 to 26 percent. After Obama won the presidency in defiance of these racial headwinds, traffic to the white-supremacist website Stormfront increased sixfold. Before the election, in August, just before the Democratic National Convention, the FBI uncovered an assassination plot hatched by white supremacists in Denver. By then, birtherism—inflamed in large part by a real-estate mogul and reality-TV star named Donald Trump—had overtaken the Republican rank and file.

Still, in , Obama had been elected. His supporters rejoiced. As Jay-Z commemorated the occasion:. Not quite. In fact, right-wing ideologues had been planning just such a resistance for decades. One of the intellectual forerunners of the Tea Party is said to be Ron Paul, the heterodox two-time Republican presidential candidate, who opposed the war in Iraq and championed civil liberties. On other matters, Paul was more traditional. Either way, the views of the newsletters have found their expression in his ideological comrades. In a rare act of cowardice, the Obama administration cravenly submitted to this effort.

In those rare moments when Obama made any sort of comment attacking racism, firestorms threatened to consume his governing agenda. A chastened Obama then determined to make sure his public statements on race were no longer mere riffs but designed to have an achievable effect. This was smart, but still the invective came. Yet in , as in , Obama won anyway. Prior to the election, Obama, ever the optimist, had claimed that intransigent Republicans would decide to work with him to advance the country.

No such collaboration was in the offing. Instead, legislation ground to a halt and familiar themes resurfaced. The bait was a slice of watermelon. They got less freedom. It found a city that, through racial profiling, arbitrary fines, and wanton harassment, had exploited law enforcement for the purposes of municipal plunder. The plunder was sanctified by racist humor dispensed via internal emails among the police that later came to light. The president of the United States, who during his first year in office had reportedly received three times the number of death threats of any of his predecessors, was a repeat target.

Much ink has been spilled in an attempt to understand the Tea Party protests, and the presidential candidacy of Donald Trump, which ultimately emerged out of them. One theory popular among primarily white intellectuals of varying political persuasions held that this response was largely the discontented rumblings of a white working class threatened by the menace of globalization and crony capitalism.

Dismissing these rumblings as racism was said to condescend to this proletariat, which had long suffered the slings and arrows of coastal elites, heartless technocrats, and reformist snobs. Racism was not something to be coolly and empirically assessed but a slander upon the working man. Deindustrialization, globalization, and broad income inequality are real. And they have landed with at least as great a force upon black and Latino people in our country as upon white people.

And yet these groups were strangely unrepresented in this new populism. Christopher S. Parker and Matt A. Barreto, political scientists at the University of Washington and UCLA, respectively, have found a relatively strong relationship between racism and Tea Party membership. The notion that the Tea Party represented the righteous, if unfocused, anger of an aggrieved class allowed everyone from leftists to neoliberals to white nationalists to avoid a horrifying and simple reality: A significant swath of this country did not like the fact that their president was black, and that swath was not composed of those most damaged by an unquestioned faith in the markets.

Far better to imagine the grievance put upon the president as the ghost of shambling factories and defunct union halls, as opposed to what it really was—a movement inaugurated by ardent and frightened white capitalists, raging from the commodities-trading floor of one of the great financial centers of the world.

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  • Having risen unexpectedly on this basis into the stratosphere of Republican politics, Trump spent the campaign freely and liberally trafficking in misogyny, Islamophobia, and xenophobia. And on November 8, , he won election to the presidency.

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    Historians will spend the next century analyzing how a country with such allegedly grand democratic traditions was, so swiftly and so easily, brought to the brink of fascism. That was in October. His words proved too optimistic. The tiger would devour us all.