Similar logos are used for OII in the USA and other countries but the international organisation uses a different logo. Main article: Organisation Intersex International Australia. Main article: Oii-Chinese. Main article: OII Europe. Changes in the management of children with intersex conditions. Online intersex communities: virtual neighborhoods of support and activism.
Between XX and XY: intersexuality and the myth of two sexes.
Fixing sex: intersex, medical authority, and lived experience. My profile My library Metrics Alerts. Sign in. Co-authors Kirk St. Professor, Texas Tech University. Articles Cited by Co-authors. Usability of complex information systems: Evaluation of user interaction, , Journal of Business and Technical Communication 20 4 , , Journal of technical writing and communication 35 1 , , Journal of Business and Technical Communication 24 2 , , Technical Communication Quarterly 17 3 , , Usability of Complex Information Systems, , Harassment in schools and silence in curricula are regional concerns.
They have only begun reforming policy and practice on sexual orientation and gender identity. In much of East Asia and part of the Pacific , homosexual conduct is not criminalized. Sexual orientation with six other categories was dropped from an anti-discrimination law in South Korea in , at the urging of Protestant churches and business leaders.
China has seen police crackdowns on gay and lesbian bars, baths, and cultural events. Authorities regularly harass or detain AIDS activists. Newspapers carry as little gay-related news as possible As in other regions, legal registration is difficult for many groups to obtain, either due to morals restrictions or the effect of sodomy laws. In many parts of Asia, different forms of fundamentalism are able to set aside differences and cooperate locally where sexual orientation and gender identity are at stake.
As in other regions, nationalism and religious intolerance come together in a conception of cultural authenticity that excludes sexual or gender nonconformity. Asian exceptionalism —the ideology that the continent had different political needs and values, that individual rights protections were at odds with collectivist traditions and an unwanted brake on economic advances—retreated after the economic crises of the late s.
Yet it still materializes as an excuse for state neglect or inaction, particularly in sensitive areas such as sexuality. More concretely, the absence of an Asian regional human rights structure leaves activists without a near-at-hand institutional focus for advocacy, or for networking with mainstream human rights groups. In some cases it did so simply by making conversations about sexuality possible. But now we can discuss the health issues It means the circumstances are being changed slowly but continuously. The most important doors now ajar, though, are arguably those to funders.
After taking the lead in the lead in outreach and prevention efforts, many LGBT groups found grants available for the first time. At the same time, this sparked internecine competitions over identity—over who should be supported for outreach to what communities under what names. The funding streams also confined many groups to service provision and sapped their energy for advocacy. MSM are much more than just sexual beings. Asian social movements—sexuality and gender-related movements among them—are rich in strategic discussions and disagreements. It is impossible to capture more than a small part of the manifold perspectives posited and directions proposed.
At least one success story has inspired LGBT activists throughout the region. The step from service provision to advocacy is still difficult for groups to manage, given funding constraints. Even after many victories, Nepalese activists admit there is much to be done. Judicial acknowledgement and political influence still do not mean improvements for many of their constituencies. The relationship between legal change and social change is a crucial question for many activists in the region. Law and policy should never be our priorities even as we recognize the need for them to keep pace with changes we are making on the ground.
Even recognizing the importance of removing Section , Indian activists long debated the relative value of litigation as opposed to broad social mobilization against the provision. Similar divisions occur—or are likely to—in other countries, including those where anti-discrimination protections are a key goal. In India, a compromise has been achieved. If Section goes down in India, its fall will echo through the region. It will raise the question of what comes next. An anti activist points to future priorities:.
For instance, eliminating and ensuring that hijras can gain IDs will remove some sources of abuse—but will not affect the criminal-justice machinery regulating and repressing sex work, overwhelmingly the legal pretext for the police impunity and violations hijras face. Groups across the region warn that the push for stricter anti-trafficking policies generates expanded state power over all sexualities in public and often private spheres. For years, some activists in Asia have criticized the uncritical importation of Western identity constructs as templates for sexuality and gender.
Many also question the weight placed on national-level lobbying at the expense of local work. We prefer to work with CBOs [community-based organizations] in rural areas around the country. Most work to date in India that focuses on MSM has been focused on urban spaces. Groups also look to non-social-movement allies.
In Indonesia, LGBT activists, after cautious bridge-building with the Ministry of Religious Affairs, have quietly engaged in dialogues and trainings with young imams, raising issues of sexuality and gender. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender movements in Latin America have achieved an astonishing record of success in the last 20 years.
The Caribbean, a distinctive case, will be dealt with in a separate subsection. LGBT groups have seized on democratic openings to enter the political and cultural spheres. Despite steady harassment, they have become visible and stayed vocal. The intensity of debate among activists, the degree of networking across the continent, and the diversity of identities and demands they bring to bear, are perhaps greater than anywhere else in the world.
The remaining sodomy laws have fallen one by one. Chile, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela now have national protections against sexual-orientation-based discrimination—though none for gender identity.
Intersex and the Role of Religion on the Path to Health and Well-Being | SpringerLink
In , Uruguay became the first Latin American country to recognize same-sex relationships by law at the national level, although many cities and provinces in the region already offer domestic partnerships. Yet progress has had an uneven reach. What happens next? That is done, and now our priority is to have sexual orientation included in the anti-discrimination law, which now mentions ethnicity, color, sex—but not this. Then we will move to civil rights and full citizenship. Who is left out? The repeal of sodomy laws has left a range of other provisions that enable police abuse.
Such provisions are found in state and local criminal codes, and sometimes in national laws, from Mexico to Argentina. For example, 10 out of 23 provinces in Argentina retain them. Transgender people are constant targets. In Guatemala, Honduras, and other countries, armed gangs—which many believe include off-duty police—menace, abuse, and shoot transgender people on the streets. Transgender people encounter the health system in charged ways, as perhaps the key point where they meet the state and officialdom: they report discrimination, abuse, lack of access to services, and comprehensive refusal to acknowledge their identities.
This is the biggest challenge we face as a movement. Many governments still do not permit any change of legal identity for transgender people—and lacking identity papers that reflect their lived gender, many still cannot work legally, rent rooms, obtain passports, or even drive. States that do, however, generally make surgery an obligatory condition.
Medical care is also an issue for other groups. Workplace discrimination is common. Some of those reports are anecdotal partly because lesbians have little visibility, both within the movement and before the state and society: abuses against them go unrecognized and their needs unmet.
The rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender children—including sexual rights, both to autonomy and to protection from abuse—are at risk in all regions. In Latin America, it is conspicuous that, amid region-wide advances in protection, children have been almost completely left out. Speaking about sexual orientation and gender identity in people under that age raises terrible fears. By that time, she already has a long history of marginalization and abuse behind her.
Its opposition to state promotion of safer-sex methods, including condoms, has a disproportionate effect on groups particularly vulnerable to HIV and AIDS. Religion in the region operates on its own terms. Where laws and policies actually are positive, implementation remains uneven. People point to several levels:. Yet activists pointed to positive opportunities, now and in the near future. Sympathetic governments hold power in influential countries in the region. Several activists noted that such neighbors rarely use their weight regionally on LGBT issues.
Overridingly, people cited the potential of the hard-won alliances between LGBT groups and other social forces. I cannot think of a single movement that is very cut off from the rest of civil society. This is the product of the patient, intersectional work of a generation of activists. It is paying off. Regional networks and cooperation among LGBT social movements—especially lesbian and transgender groups—have had a powerful effect. But a formal federation can lead to monopolizing resources by a few. Lack of funding is a continual problem, as well as the demands of specialized funding sources.
We want to work on the issues that matter to us, lesbian and human rights, and we want to get funding for that, explicitly. This also affects political horizons. The main question, again, is: what next? Others would qualify or question this. Bills with criminal penalties for unequal treatment raise doubts in some quarters about the wisdom of relying on state punitive measures for protection.
We [transgender and intersex people] cannot wait for it. Further legal change is needed. Then something happens, a custody case for instance, and we run to the family code and see the horrors that are happening. Inadequate funds hamper taking up strategic litigation, or simply providing legal help to people who face discrimination. Alliances continue to be crucial. The fundamentalists have clearly said that if the bill did not include LGBT people, it would already have been approved. But the coalition is holding its ground strongly. Regional work is also vital. This can mean regional encuentras, trainings, or networks, or the increasing focus on the Inter-American human rights system as a means of moving governments.
A growing number of groups are preparing to lobby or take cases to Inter-American institutions. The recent resolution at the OAS General Assembly condemning human rights violations based on sexual orientation and gender identity came after years of work by LGBT groups around Latin America, as well as the Caribbean. Groups are also increasingly documenting human rights violations themselves, including police practice and impunity. Transgender and intersex activists are trying to work with individual doctors and professional bodies—and, in Brazil, working through the Ministry of Health.
Some projects center around simple daily challenges, moving freely or being seen. The activities can be anything: going to the movies, shopping, having ice cream. The only requirements are that it has to be done in a group and during the day. The goal is And it is also meant to educate the public, so people can see TTT as ordinary citizens who can have fun Meeting these basic needs can also mean concentrating on cultural activism: images, film, drama.
But we also believe that feminists as a whole have forgotten for a long time to address another dimension: transforming the way our societies think. Creativity is little valued in human rights or development perspectives, in spite of its being a key element in unlearning the harmful aspects of particular cultures. Amid this, most activists also remember acutely the broad social context of their work.
Caribbean countries, mostly Anglophone and Francophone, are divided from the mainland by more than language. Post-independence democratic governments have shown deep resistance to any suggestion of repeal. The laws lead to discrimination and silence in other spaces: organizations unable to operate openly, jobs and homes lost, and police who refuse to protect people against day-to-day violence.
Violence is a general problem in the region. The Caribbean, although a region poised to benefit from [outside] political and economic development, remains resistant to any social or cultural suggestions to advance rights-based approaches.
Canadian [evangelical] groups are supporting and organizing with their counterparts in the region, while local LGBT advocacy groups are not receiving similar kinds of tangible support from our global allies. Two things have changed recently. None of this has added up to significant social change or law reform, however—although upcoming revisions of the Bill of Rights and Constitution in Jamaica provide a possible opening.
Increasingly, though, groups are trying to produce documentation on rights violations as well as HIV-related practices among MSMs and LGBT people, hoping to generate sustained pressure to move advocacy forward. These are only examples. Skip to main content. June 11, Introduction This report tries to give a brief picture of a global human rights movement. Defending those beliefs can cost people their lives. The variety of experiences here is enormous. A few common threads do emerge: a Organizations working on sexual orientation and gender identity are still under-resourced and severely isolated.
That isolation can kill. Patterns of abuse African activists cite the same abuses in country after country. A Burundian activist lists: Violence and blackmail by the police and others; Negative messages from religious leaders; Exclusion from schools because of sexual orientation. It happened: when Zimbabwean gays and lesbians dared to appear at a book fair in ; when a lone man came out in a newspaper interview in Zambia in ; when a small demonstration at a AIDS conference in Abuja urged African governments to take the health, social, and rights situations of men who have sex with men MSM seriously.
The Nigerian government used the demonstration to justify its repressive bill.
- Online intersex communities; virtual neighborhoods of support and activism. - Free Online Library;
- Organisation Intersex International.
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Their allies on the continent and outside, though, must ensure they do not encourage action without anticipating the risk, and: recognize the extreme danger in which the activists in Africa operate; ready them to protect themselves in the likely backlash to any publicity for their cause; make sure they have political tools to respond to a potentially violent backlash.
Challenges and chances State-sponsored homophobia has become a political staple in many African countries.
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And they are starved and devastated by it. Food is unaffordable, health care unavailable; educations, opportunities, pensions are all gone. And the populations are enraged, rightly. And so these governments are precarious and terrified. The people are roused up against them, and there is no one to support them. Their only real hope is that people die of AIDS or hunger before they are angry enough to rebel. And what do [the governments] find? They say "homosexual" and two sorts come running to them: the Christian churches and the African traditionalists, two groups who usually won't even speak to one another, come flocking behind the government's banner.
Suddenly they have support. It's a magic word. What are movements doing? Finding and fostering sympathetic religious leaders. Groups need lawyers —and money for lawyers—to document arrests and defend victims. This means not just locating sympathetic professionals, but ensuring they receive training in relevant national and international precedents. From Cameroon to Zambia, media have promoted public hysteria about homosexuality. Trainings for reporters and editors on issues of human rights, homosexuality, confidentiality, and respect are underway in Nigeria and some other countries. Patterns of abuse Law clearly enables the crackdowns.
Eastern Europe and Central Asia Who would have imagined? Patterns of abuse The pictures are the most memorable evidence of this unexpected Europe: faces bleeding, people running, the air streaked with tear-gas trails. Goals they mention include: Hate crimes legislation that mandates keeping disaggregated statistics on incidents of violence and their motivation.