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Some of the HIV-negative participants received their information from some form of training, school, or course on the subject. The role of the church and religious leaders was acknowledged as influential in spreading information. Religious leaders are respected, and given authority over health issues. Although the primary source for HIV-positive participants can be identified as the health center, no such primary source can be identified for HIV-negative participants.

Several HIV-positive participants explained that before their diagnosis they were ignorant about the disease, and discriminated against relatives or friends who were HIV positive. We have isolated her in separate room.. Participants elaborated that education about HIV transmission and treatment is improving, and attributed this to media efforts and church influence.

Media such as radio spots contribute to greater awareness and encourage young persons to practice safe sex. Rates of HIV infection in urban areas of Ethiopia are alarming, and multiple barriers hinder effective prevention and management of the disease, including misconceptions about transmission and treatment of HIV, and stigma against PLWHA. In Ethiopia, there are widely held beliefs in the curative effect of holy water taken orally or topically in a spiritual setting.

There appears to be underlying conflict between spiritual messages and medical approaches. Thus, failure to be rid of the disease is simply a reflection of the strength or weakness of one's faith, creating an environment of blame towards afflicted people. Furthermore, HIV-positive participants are often pressured by the community to rely solely on prayer and holy water, facing discrimination and repercussions when openly taking medication. Our discussions showed that even if persons believe that medication can effectively help manage HIV, holy water is still believed to be a better alternative, offering a definitive end to the illness.

Similarly, other studies have suggested the use of holy water as a reason for non-adherence to treatment. The fact that most of our HIV-positive participants expressed strong fear about taking medication publicly and experienced such pressure to give up their ARV medication is worrisome. Notably, there was a discrepancy in the answers between HIV-positive and HIV-negative individuals regarding community acceptance and perception of stigma regarding taking HIV medications. This is especially important considering that some of our HIV-negative participants had higher training about HIV because of their role in the health system, and thus may not fully represent communities where HIV-positive participants normally reside and face stigma.

This might also suggest a need to incorporate more targeted training regarding stigma itself, and ways to address it for both the community and for health workers. As in other studies, physical isolation and rejection from family and community are the dominant forms of discrimination against infected persons. In our study, women were believed to be more vulnerable to acquire HIV and less empowered to prevent infection. Because they suffer from more gossip, they likely experience more community rejection as a result of infection. As some of our HIV-positive participants explained, they did not learn about accurate modes of transmission before being diagnosed.

Thus, their previous discriminations against infected people were efforts to prevent infection, borne out of fear and lack of knowledge. An important player in these experiences is health education. Sources of information and health education were varied among our participants, including health centers, kebele, church, hearsay, and mass media. Spiritual leaders and the church have immense influence over information dissemination. Healthcare providers and targeted health education are not always the dominant channels of information about HIV.

Community misconceptions about treatment may also be caused by the community's limited exposure to the health system that specifically treats HIV. Consistent with our data, the impact of mass media coverage in the perceptions of HIV has been demonstrated in other studies. Participants remember images shown in the past of people dying of HIV. Those targeted media campaigns and images are not easy to reverse, and may hold a lasting influence on the community's negative perceptions of infected patients and currently available treatments.

Any approach taken by mass media needs to stay relevant to Ethiopian society, and to use the systems and structures already in place, such as Kebele and other community forums. There is a need for participatory community-based approaches that empower the HIV-positive community to openly discuss their experiences and help the community to address their concern more effectively. There is a recurrent theme of discord between traditional religious healing and modern medicine.

Spiritual leaders have a unique position to impact the community by spreading information and forming community perception about holy water and HIV treatment. Our participants told us that the community trusts, at time without question, spiritual leaders' guidance on health matters. It is then imperative to collaborate with the religious community as a powerful and untapped resource for community outreach and health education.

In fact, the priests who have begun to encourage treatment alongside holy water seem to have been influential on both patients and the general community. This positive attitude shift by itself might be caused by exposure to the health system and positive reinforcement by health professionals, as well as improved mass media education about existing effective treatment and better responses to therapies.

Such weighty influence could well provide a gateway to potentially encourage greater acceptance among the community and help with adherence, and to possibly ally with health systems to share information about preventative behavior and treatment. Our study is not without limitations. It was conducted in Addis Ababa, and thus reflects an urban population in Ethiopia.

Exposure to health education and interaction with HIV-positive persons is likely higher among our participants than in rural areas. Further research exploring rural populations may well show lower health awareness, higher level or different forms of misconception about treatment options and their efficacy, and more discriminatory attitudes.

Confidence in changing community perception and improved acceptance may have been slightly exaggerated, possibly because of the influence of the location itself, WWO, a supportive environment for HIV-positive persons. It is also possible that participants gave more willingly answers that they perceived as socially acceptable. To reduce the effects of peer pressure and create an open environment, we chose to use smaller focus groups with different groups of participants, as was suggested by community leaders.

Further research on community perceptions in rural Ethiopia and among broader populations is warranted, and would provide insight into approaches that would be appropriate outside of urban centers. Men were underrepresented in our study because of factors discussed in the Methods section. Our study more strongly reflects women's views. The limited size and breadth of our sample may not fully represent the population at large; further studies are needed to explore this important issue.

Ethiopia The Unknown Land

It is important to explore how the lack of knowledge, misconceptions, and stigma about prevention and treatment of HIV that exist in Addis Ababa serve as significant barriers in the proper management of HIV. Stigma and discrimination against PLWHA is worsened by incomplete or inaccurate knowledge, creating serious hardships for those living with the disease. Strategies to raise awareness and to educate community members, in collaboration with local cultural and religious institutions, are crucial.

Use of updated mass media campaigns, such as radio programs, newspapers, and TV news, could potentially reach a major part of the community that has little exposure to health staff or facilities. Educational programs for HIV-negative community members should focus on increasing awareness about the efficacy of HIV medications, to address misconceptions about the compatibility of HIV treatment and holy water, along with clarifying modes of transmission and safe interaction. Programs for HIV-positive persons should encourage them that medical treatment does not equate with renouncement of faith.

Existing locally adapted support groups should address and discuss the issue of non-adherence and pressures felt by patients in a potentially unsupportive community environment. The most effective approach in improving acceptance and attitudes about HIV prevention and treatment would need to be a multifaceted approach, with cooperation and collaboration among local initiatives, government agencies, local practitioners, religious and spiritual leaders, staff of non-governmental organizations, and local health bureaus.

Structural, environmental, developmental, and community-wide barriers ought to be addressed, through vertical and horizontal approaches that take into account Ethiopian society, the individual challenges faced by PLWHA, and other fundamental obstacles such as general formal education and access to healthcare. We thank Dr. Europe PMC requires Javascript to function effectively.

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Recent Activity. Many HIV-participants believe treatment is ineffective or incompatible with holy water. The snippet could not be located in the article text.

Zumbara Music by The Berta People Abrhmo Village, Ethiopia

This may be because the snippet appears in a figure legend, contains special characters or spans different sections of the article. Am J Trop Med Hyg. PMID: E-mail: ude. Received Apr 22; Accepted Sep This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Abstract Approximately one million persons infected with human immunodeficiency virus HIV live in Ethiopia. Characteristic No. Open in a separate window. Results Of the 52 original participants, 43 were women. Some kind of sin. They think that way in the countryside. Youth and Old. Nowadays the youths are seen in the street.

It is the workforce that is victim. The prostitutes do use condoms. But the husbands, especially the drivers, bring HIV to their spouse. Because of that, they do not want to take the medicine. If they know our status, our relation with our friends will be broken and you will be hurt… It happened to me, my family doesn't want me and I am lonely and I have to hide myself.

Those who live in public house lead better life. I know people who get cured by holy water. They were tested 3—4 times and they become negative. I know many people cured who were using holy water. Now many young people are becoming religious and this is good opportunity to teach them about HIV. So spiritual institutions are playing great role in prevention of HIV.

Like physicians they can give advice and help you to understand things that you don't know and this restores your life. In the early time, the messages delivered through media were fearful, but now it is changed. They teach us how to live positively with HIV. Beliefs and constructs about transmission and prevention. Community knowledge and perceptions about treatment and cures. Taking medication: community pressures and stigma about treatment. Sources of information about HIV. Discussion Rates of HIV infection in urban areas of Ethiopia are alarming, and multiple barriers hinder effective prevention and management of the disease, including misconceptions about transmission and treatment of HIV, and stigma against PLWHA.

References 1. Accessed April 22, J Public Health. International Center for Research on Women. New York: Population Council; Stigma and social barriers to medication adherence with urban youth living with HIV. AIDS Care. Afr J Reprod Health. Reda AA, Biadgilign S. Aids Res Treat. Soc Sci Med. Abebe Y.

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Clin Infect Dis. Defaulters from antiretroviral treatment in Jimma University Specialized Hospital, southwest Ethiopia. Trop Med Int Health. Tadios Y, Davey G. Antiretroviral drug adherence and its correlates in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Ethiop Med J. Whereas its membership had previously come predominantly from poorer sectors of Jamaican society, in the s Rastafari began to attract support from more privileged groups like students and professional musicians. In the mids, reggae's international popularity exploded. Through reggae, Rasta musicians became increasingly important in Jamaica's political life during the s.

Enthusiasm for Rastafari was likely dampened by the death of Haile Selassie in and that of Marley in Rastafari is not a homogeneous movement and has no single administrative structure, [] nor any single leader. The structure of Rastafari groups is less like those of Christian denominations and is instead akin to the cellular structure of other African diasporic traditions like Haitian Vodou , Cuban Santeria , and Jamaica's Revival Zion.

Within Rastafari, there are distinct groups which display particular orientations. The House of Nyabinghi is an aggregate of more traditional and militant Rastas who seek to retain the movement close to the way in which it existed during the s. The Twelve Tribes peaked in popularity during the s, when it attracted artists, musicians, and many middle-class followers, resulting in the term "middle-class Rastas" and "uptown Rastas" being applied to members of the group.

The Church of Haile Selassie, Inc was founded by Abuna Foxe, and operated much like a mainstream Christian church, with a hierarchy of functionaries, weekly services, and Sunday schools. Fulfilled Rastafari is a multi-ethnic movement that has spread in popularity during the twenty-first century, in large part through the Internet.

Clarke , [75]. As of , there were an estimated , to 1 million Rastas worldwide. The Rasta message resonates with many people who feel marginalised and alienated by the values and institutions of their society. Clarke , Rastafari "helped to provide many people of African descent with a deeper sense of their African identity". Men dominate Rastafari. Rastafari is a non-missionary religion.

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They regard themselves as an exclusive and elite community, membership of which is restricted to those who have the "insight" to recognise the importance of Haile Selassie. Some Rastas have left the religion. Clarke noted that among the British Rastas whom he communicated with, he found that some returned to Pentecostalism and other forms of Christianity, while others embraced Islam or no religion.

Barrett described Rastafari as "the largest, most identifiable, indigenous movement in Jamaica. In the Jamaican census, 29, individuals identified themselves as Rastafari. During the s, Rastafari ideas were spread through much of the eastern Caribbean through the growing popularity of reggae. Reggae was introduced to Cuba in the s by Jamaican students. Since the founding of Rastafari, some practitioners have followed through with their belief in resettlement in Africa.

Among the Caribbean immigrants to arrive in the country during the s were Rastafarians, while some native Ghanaians also converting to the religion. In the s, a Rasta community established itself in Shashamane , Ethiopia, on land made available for members of the African diaspora by Haile Selassie's Ethiopian World Federation. By the early s, a Rasta community was present in Nairobi , Kenya, whose approach to the religion was informed both by reggae and by traditional Kikuyu religion.

During the s and s, several thousand Caribbean migrants settled in the United Kingdom , some of whom brought Rastafari with them. According to Clarke's research, the majority are from black working-class families who practiced Pentecostalism, although a small number are from white families.

Rastafari was also established in various continental European countries, among them the Netherlands, Germany, Portugal, and France, gaining a particular foothold among black migrant populations but also attracting a growing number of white converts. Rastafari was introduced to the United States and Canada with the migration of Jamaicans to continental North America in the s and s. Rastafari attracted membership from within the Maori population of New Zealand, [] and the Aboriginal population of Australia. A small Rasta community developed in Japan in the late s and early s, [] promoted by a practitioner named Jah Hiro.

Rastafarian culture is also found in Israel , primarily with those who espouse the similarities between Judaism and Rastafarianism. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This is the latest accepted revision , reviewed on 27 June Abrahamic religion formed in s Jamaica. Princes shall come out of Egypt, Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hand unto God.

Oh thou God of Ethiopia, thou God of divine majesty, thy spirit come within our hearts to dwell in the parts of righteousness. That the hungry be fed, the sick nourished, the aged protected, and the infant cared for. Teach us love and loyalty as it is in Zion. See also: Cannabis and religion. Main article: Rastafari vocabulary. Main article: Ital. Main article: Dreadlocks. Main article: Mansions of Rastafari. Born in the ghettos of Kingston, Jamaica, the Rastafarian movement has captured the imagination of thousands of black youth, and some white youth, throughout Jamaica, the Caribbean, Britain, France, and other countries in Western Europe and North America.

It is also to be found in smaller numbers in parts of Africa—for example, in Ethiopia, Ghana, and Senegal—and in Australia and New Zealand, particularly among the Maori. Bradt Travel Guides. Retrieved April 4, Dread Jesus. SPCK Publishing. New York University Press. Retrieved February 8, NY daily news. New York. August 8, Retrieved February 1, — via The Associated Press. October 21, Retrieved February 27, October 12, September 14, Retrieved October 20, October 2, Retrieved November 23, April 8, Retrieved April 12, Banton, Michael Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.

Barrett, Leonard E. The Rastafarians. Boston: Beacon Press. Bedasse, Monique Journal of Black Studies. Benard, Akeia A. History and Anthropology. Cashmore, E. Ellis Rastaman: The Rastafarian Movement in England second ed. London: Counterpoint. Religion Today. Chevannes, Barry Rastafari: Roots and Ideology. Utopianism and Communitarianism Series. Clarke, Peter B. Black Paradise: The Rastafarian Movement. New Religious Movements Series. Wellingborough: The Aquarian Press.

Edmonds, Ennis B. Rastafari: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. Francis, Wigmoore Glazier, Stephen D. In Juergensmeyer, Mark K.

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Encyclopedia of Global Religion. Los Angeles: Sage. King, Stephen A. Reggae, Rastafari, and the Rhetoric of Social Control. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. Kitzinger, Sheila Comparative Studies in Society and History. Middleton, Darren J. Black Theology: An International Journal. Newland, Arthur Social and Economic Studies.

Partridge, Christopher The Re-Enchantment of the West Volume. Rowe, Maureen Caribbean Quarterly. Sibanda, Fortune Queering Rastafari Perspectives on Homosexuality". In Adriaan van Klinken; Ezra Chitando eds. Public Religion and the Politics of Homosexuality in Africa. Abingdon and New York: Routledge. Soumahoro, Maboula In Theodore Louis Trost ed. The African Diaspora and the Study of Religion. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Turner, Terisa E. White, Carmen M. Barnett, Michael Journal of Africana Religions.

Bonacci, Giulia Heirs and Pioneers, Rastafari Return to Ethiopia. University of West Indies Press. Campbell, Horace Hansib Publications. Chawane, Midas H.

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Rastafari: From Outcasts to Cultural Bearers. Popular Music and Society. Julien, Lisa-Anne Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity. Kebede, Alemseghed Sociological Focus. Sociological Spectrum. Kebede, Alemseghed; Knottnerus, J. David Sociological Perspectives. Howard Journal of Communications. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. Lake, Obiagele Carolina Academic Press. Lewis, William F. Soul Rebels: The Rastafari. Waveland Press. Dialectical Anthropology. Loadenthal, Michael Glocalism: Journal of Culture, Politics and Innovation.

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